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Title: Travels in the Interior of Africa - Volume 2

Author: Mungo Park

Release Date: March, 2004  [EBook #5305]
[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
[This file was first posted on June 25, 2002]
[Most recently updated: June 25, 2002]

Edition: 10

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, TRAVELS IN AFRICA - VOLUME 2 ***




Transcribed from the 1887 Cassell & Company edition by David Price,
email ccx074@coventry.ac.uk




TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA--VOLUME 2
By MUNGO PARK.




INTRODUCTION



The first of the two volumes which contain Mungo Park's "Travels in
the Interior of Africa" brought him through many perils to the first
sight of the Niger, and left him sick and solitary, stripped of
nearly all that he possessed, a half-starved white man on a half-
starved horse.  He was helped on by a bag of cowries from a kindly
chief; but in this volume he has not advanced far before he is
stripped of all.

There is not in the range of English literature a more interesting
traveller's tale than was given to the world in this book which this
volume completes.  It took the deeper hold upon its readers, because
it appeared at a time when English hearts began to be stirred by the
wrongs of slavery.  But at any time there would be strong human
interest in the unconscious painting of the writer's character, as
he makes his way over far regions in which no white man had before
been seen, with firm resolve and with good temper as well as courage
and prudence, which bring him safe through many a hair-breadth
escape.  There was a true kindness in Mungo Park that found
answering kindness and brought out the spirit of humanity in those
upon whose goodwill his life depends; in the negroes often, although
never in the Moors.  There was no flinching in the man, who, when
robbed of his horse, stripped to the shirt in a forest and left upon
a lion's track, looked down with a botanist's eye on the beauty of a
tiny moss at his feet, drew comfort from it, and laboured on with
quiet faith in God.  The same eye was as quick to recognise the
diverse characters of men.  In Mungo Park shrewd humour and right
feeling went together.  Whatever he had to say he said clearly and
simply; and it went straight home.  He had the good fortune to be
born before "picturesque writing" was invented.  When we return to
the Gambia with Mungo Park under the same escort with a coffle of
slaves on their way to be shipped for the use of Christians, from
the strength of his unlaboured narrative we get clear knowledge
unclouded by a rainbow mist of words.  He is of one blood with the
sailors in whom Hakluyt delighted.



CHAPTER XVI--VILLAGES ON THE NIGER--DETERMINES TO GO NO FARTHER
EASTWARD



Being, in the manner that has been related, compelled to leave Sego,
I was conducted the same evening to a village about seven miles to
the eastward, with some of the inhabitants of which my guide was
acquainted, and by whom we were well received. {1}  He was very
friendly and communicative, and spoke highly of the hospitality of
his countrymen, but withal told me that if Jenne was the place of my
destination, which he seemed to have hitherto doubted, I had
undertaken an enterprise of greater danger than probably I was
apprised of; for, although the town of Jenne was nominally a part of
the king of Bambarra's dominions, it was in fact, he said, a city of
the Moors--the leading part of the inhabitants being bushreens, and
even the governor himself, though appointed by Mansong, of the same
sect.  Thus was I in danger of falling a second time into the hands
of men who would consider it not only justifiable, but meritorious,
to destroy me, and this reflection was aggravated by the
circumstance that the danger increased as I advanced in my journey,
for I learned that the places beyond Jenne were under the Moorish
influence in a still greater degree than Jenne itself, and
Timbuctoo, the great object of my search, altogether in possession
of that savage and merciless people, who allow no Christian to live
there.  But I had now advanced too far to think of returning to the
westward on such vague and uncertain information, and determined to
proceed; and being accompanied by the guide, I departed from the
village on the morning of the 24th.  About eight o'clock we passed a
large town called Kabba, situated in the midst of a beautiful and
highly cultivated country, bearing a greater resemblance to the
centre of England than to what I should have supposed had been the
middle of Africa.  The people were everywhere employed in collecting
the fruit of shea trees, from which they prepare the vegetable
butter mentioned in former parts of this work.  These trees grow in
great abundance all over this part of Bambarra.  They are not
planted by the natives, but are found growing naturally in the
woods; and in clearing woodland for cultivation every tree is cut
down but the shea.  The tree itself very much resembles the American
oak, and the fruit--from the kernel of which, being first dried in
the sun, the butter is prepared by boiling the kernel in water--has
somewhat the appearance of a Spanish olive.  The kernel is enveloped
in a sweet pulp, under a thin green rind; and the butter produced
from it, besides the advantage of its keeping the whole year without
salt, is whiter, firmer, and, to my palate, of a richer flavour,
than the best butter I ever tasted made from cow's milk.  The growth
and preparation of this commodity seem to be among the first objects
of African industry in this and the neighbouring states, and it
constitutes a main article of their inland commerce.

We passed, in the course of the day, a great many villages inhabited
chiefly by fishermen, and in the evening about five o'clock arrived
at Sansanding, a very large town, containing, as I was told, from
eight to ten thousand inhabitants.  This place is much resorted to
by the Moors, who bring salt from Berroo, and beads and coral from
the Mediterranean, to exchange here for gold dust and cotton cloth.
This cloth they sell to great advantage in Berroo, and other Moorish
countries, where, on account of the want of rain, no cotton is
cultivated.

I desired my guide to conduct me to the house in which we were to
lodge by the most private way possible.  We accordingly rode along
between the town and the river, passing by a creek or harbour, in
which I observed twenty large canoes, most of them fully loaded, and
covered with mats to prevent the rain from injuring the goods.  As
we proceeded, three other canoes arrived, two with passengers and
one with goods.  I was happy to find that all the negro inhabitants
took me for a Moor, under which character I should probably have
passed unmolested, had not a Moor, who was sitting by the river-
side, discovered the mistake, and, setting up a loud exclamation,
brought together a number of his countrymen.

When I arrived at the house of Counti Mamadi, the dooty of the town,
I was surrounded with hundreds of people speaking a variety of
different dialects, all equally unintelligible to me.  At length, by
the assistance of my guide, who acted as interpreter, I understood
that one of the spectators pretended to have seen me at one place,
and another at some other place; and a Moorish woman absolutely
swore that she had kept my house three years at Gallam, on the river
Senegal.  It was plain that they mistook me for some other person,
and I desired two of the most confident to point towards the place
where they had seen me.  They pointed due south; hence I think it
probable that they came from Cape Coast, where they might have seen
many white men.  Their language was different from any I had yet
heard.  The Moors now assembled in great number, with their usual
arrogance, compelling the negroes to stand at a distance.  They
immediately began to question me concerning my religion, but finding
that I was not master of Arabic, they sent for two men, whom they
call Ilhuidi (Jews), in hopes that they might be able to converse
with me.  These Jews, in dress and appearance, very much resemble
the Arabs; but though they so far conform to the religion of
Mohammed as to recite in public prayers from the Koran, they are but
little respected by the negroes; and even the Moors themselves
allowed that, though I was a Christian, I was a better man than a
Jew.  They however insisted that, like the Jews, I must conform so
far as to repeat the Mohammedan prayers; and when I attempted to
waive the subject by telling them that I could not speak Arabic, one
of them, a shereef from Tuat, in the Great Desert, started up and
swore by the Prophet that if I refused to go to the mosque, he would
be one that would assist in carrying me thither; and there is no
doubt that this threat would have been immediately executed had not
my landlord interposed on my behalf.  He told them that I was the
king's stranger, and he could not see me ill-treated whilst I was
under his protection.  He therefore advised them to let me alone for
the night, assuring them that in the morning I should be sent about
my business.  This somewhat appeased their clamour, but they
compelled me to ascend a high seat by the door of the mosque, in
order that everybody might see me, for the people had assembled in
such numbers as to be quite ungovernable, climbing upon the houses,
and squeezing each other, like the spectators at an execution.  Upon
this seat I remained until sunset, when I was conducted into a neat
little hut, with a small court before it, the door of which Counti
Mamadi shut, to prevent any person from disturbing me.  But this
precaution could not exclude the Moors.  They climbed over the top
of the mud wall, and came in crowds into the court, "in order," they
said, "to see me PERFORM MY EVENING DEVOTIONS, AND EAT EGGS."  The
former of these ceremonies I did not think proper to comply with,
but I told them I had no objection to eat eggs, provided they would
bring me eggs to eat.  My landlord immediately brought me seven
hen's eggs, and was much surprised to find that I could not eat them
raw; for it seems to be a prevalent opinion among the inhabitants of
the interior that Europeans subsist almost entirely on this diet.
When I had succeeded in persuading my landlord that this opinion was
without foundation, and that I would gladly partake of any victuals
which he might think proper to send me, he ordered a sheep to be
killed, and part of it to be dressed for my supper.  About midnight,
when the Moors had left me, he paid me a visit, and with much
earnestness desired me to write him a saphie.  "If a Moor's saphie
is good," said this hospitable old man, "a white man's must needs be
better."  I readily furnished him with one, possessed of all the
virtues I could concentrate, for it contained the Lord's Prayer.
The pen with which it was written was made of a reed; a little
charcoal and gum-water made very tolerable ink, and a thin board
answered the purpose of paper.

July 25.--Early in the morning, before the Moors were assembled, I
departed from Sansanding, and slept the ensuing night at a small
town called Sibili, from whence on the day following I reached
Nyara, a large town at some distance from the river, where I halted
the 27th, to have my clothes washed, and recruit my horse.  The
dooty there has a very commodious house, flat-roofed, and two
storeys high.  He showed me some gunpowder of his own manufacturing;
and pointed out, as a great curiosity, a little brown monkey that
was tied to a stake by the door, telling me that it came from a far
distant country called Kong.

July 28.--I departed from Nyara, and reached Nyamee about noon.
This town is inhabited chiefly by Foulahs from the kingdom of
Masina.  The dooty, I know not why, would not receive me, but
civilly sent his son on horseback to conduct me to Modiboo, which he
assured me was at no great distance.

We rode nearly in a direct line through the woods, but in general
went forwards with great circumspection.  I observed that my guide
frequently stopped and looked under the bushes.  On inquiring the
reason of this caution he told me that lions were very numerous in
that part of the country, and frequently attacked people travelling
through the woods.  While he was speaking, my horse started, and
looking round, I observed a large animal of the camelopard kind
standing at a little distance.  The neck and fore-legs were very
long; the head was furnished with two short black horns, turning
backwards; the tail, which reached down to the ham joint, had a tuft
of hair at the end.  The animal was of a mouse colour, and it
trotted away from us in a very sluggish manner--moving its head from
side to side, to see if we were pursuing it.  Shortly after this, as
we were crossing a large open plain, where there were a few
scattered bushes, my guide, who was a little way before me, wheeled
his horse round in a moment, calling out something in the Foulah
language which I did not understand.  I inquired in Mandingo what he
meant; "Wara billi billi!" ("A very large lion!") said he, and made
signs for me to ride away.  But my horse was too much fatigued; so
we rode slowly past the bush from which the animal had given us the
alarm.  Not seeing anything myself, however, I thought my guide had
been mistaken, when the Foulah suddenly put his hand to his mouth,
exclaiming, "Soubah an allahi!" ("God preserve us!") and, to my
great surprise, I then perceived a large red lion, at a short
distance from the bush, with his head couched between his forepaws.
I expected he would instantly spring upon me, and instinctively
pulled my feet from my stirrups to throw myself on the ground, that
my horse might become the victim rather than myself.  But it is
probable the lion was not hungry; for he quietly suffered us to
pass, though we were fairly within his reach.  My eyes were so
riveted upon this sovereign of the beasts that I found it impossible
to remove them until we were at a considerable distance.  We now
took a circuitous route through some swampy ground, to avoid any
more of these disagreeable encounters.  At sunset we arrived at
Modiboo--a delightful village on the banks of the Niger, commanding
a view of the river for many miles both to the east and west.  The
small green islands (the peaceful retreat of some industrious
Foulahs, whose cattle are here secure from the depredations of wild
beasts) and the majestic breadth of the river, which is here much
larger than at Sego, render the situation one of the most enchanting
in the world.  Here are caught great plenty of fish, by means of
long cotton nets, which the natives make themselves, and use nearly
in the same manner as nets are used in Europe.  I observed the head
of a crocodile lying upon one of the houses, which they told me had
been killed by the shepherds in a swamp near the town.  These
animals are not uncommon in the Niger, but I believe they are not
oftentimes found dangerous.  They are of little account to the
traveller when compared with the amazing swarms of mosquitoes, which
rise from the swamps and creeks in such numbers as to harass even
the most torpid of the natives; and as my clothes were now almost
worn to rags, I was but ill prepared to resist their attacks.  I
usually passed the night without shutting my eyes, walking backwards
and forwards, fanning myself with my hat; their stings raised
numerous blisters on my legs and arms, which, together with the want
of rest, made me very feverish and uneasy.

July 29.--Early in the morning, my landlord, observing that I was
sickly, hurried me away, sending a servant with me as a guide to
Kea.  But though I was little able to walk, my horse was still less
able to carry me; and about six miles to the east of Modiboo, in
crossing some rough clayey ground, he fell, and the united strength
of the guide and myself could not place him again upon his legs.  I
sat down for some time beside this worn-out associate of my
adventures, but finding him still unable to rise, I took off the
saddle and bridle, and placed a quantity of grass before him.  I
surveyed the poor animal, as he lay panting on the ground, with
sympathetic emotion, for I could not suppress the sad apprehension
that I should myself, in a short time, lie down and perish in the
same manner, of fatigue and hunger.  With this foreboding I left my
poor horse, and with great reluctance followed my guide on foot
along the bank of the river until about noon, when we reached Kea,
which I found to be nothing more than a small fishing village.  The
dooty, a surly old man, who was sitting by the gate, received me
very coolly; and when I informed him of my situation, and begged his
protection, told me with great indifference that he paid very little
attention to fine speeches, and that I should not enter his house.
My guide remonstrated in my favour, but to no purpose, for the dooty
remained inflexible in his determination.  I knew not where to rest
my wearied limbs, but was happily relieved by a fishing canoe
belonging to Silla, which was at that moment coming down the river.
The dooty waved to the fisherman to come near, and desired him to
take charge of me as far as Moorzan.  The fisherman, after some
hesitation, consented to carry me, and I embarked in the canoe in
company with the fisherman, his wife, and a boy.  The negro who had
conducted me from Modiboo now left me.  I requested him to look to
my horse on his return, and take care of him if he was still alive,
which he promised to do.

Departing from Kea, we proceeded about a mile down the river, when
the fisherman paddled the canoe to the bank and desired me to jump
out.  Having tied the canoe to a stake, he stripped off his clothes,
and dived for such a length of time that I thought he had actually
drowned himself, and was surprised to see his wife behave with so
much indifference upon the occasion; but my fears were over when he
raised up his head astern of the canoe and called for a rope.  With
this rope he dived a second time, and then got into the canoe and
ordered the boy to assist him in pulling.  At length they brought up
a large basket, about ten feet in diameter, containing two fine
fish, which the fisherman--after returning the basket into the
water--immediately carried ashore and hid in the grass.  We then
went a little farther down and took up another basket, in which was
one fish.  The fisherman now left us to carry his prizes to some
neighbouring market, and the woman and boy proceeded with me in the
canoe down the river.

About four o'clock we arrived at Moorzan, a fishing town on the
northern bank, from whence I was conveyed across the river to Silla,
a large town, where I remained until it was quite dark, under a
tree, surrounded by hundreds of people.

With a great deal of entreaty the dooty allowed me to come into his
baloon to avoid the rain, but the place was very damp, and I had a
smart paroxysm of fever during the night.  Worn down by sickness,
exhausted with hunger and fatigue, half-naked, and without any
article of value by which I might procure provisions, clothes, or
lodging, I began to reflect seriously on my situation.  I was now
convinced, by painful experience, that the obstacles to my farther
progress were insurmountable.  The tropical rains were already set
in with all their violence--the rice grounds and swamps were
everywhere overflowed--and in a few days more, travelling of every
kind, unless by water, would be completely obstructed.  The kowries
which remained of the king of Bambarra's present were not sufficient
to enable me to hire a canoe for any great distance, and I had but
little hopes of subsisting by charity in a country where the Moors
have such influence.  But, above all, I perceived that I was
advancing more and more within the power of those merciless
fanatics, and, from my reception both at Sego and Sansanding, I was
apprehensive that, in attempting to reach even Jenne (unless under
the protection of some man of consequence amongst them, which I had
no means of obtaining), I should sacrifice my life to no purpose,
for my discoveries would perish with me.  The prospect either way
was gloomy.  In returning to the Gambia, a journey on foot of many
hundred miles presented itself to my contemplation, through regions
and countries unknown.  Nevertheless, this seemed to be the only
alternative, for I saw inevitable destruction in attempting to
proceed to the eastward.  With this conviction on my mind I hope my
readers will acknowledge that I did right in going no farther.

Having thus brought my mind, after much doubt and perplexity, to a
determination to return westward, I thought it incumbent on me,
before I left Silla, to collect from the Moorish and negro traders
all the information I could concerning the farther course of the
Niger eastward, and the situation and extent of the kingdoms in its
vicinage; and the following few notices I received from such various
quarters as induce me to think they are authentic:-

Two short days' journey to the eastward of Silla is the town of
Jenne, which is situated on a small island in the river, and is said
to contain a greater number of inhabitants than Sego itself, or any
other town in Bambarra.  At the distance of two days more, the river
spreads into a considerable lake, called Dibbie (or the Dark Lake),
concerning the extent of which all the information I could obtain
was that in crossing it from west to east the canoes lose sight of
land one whole day.  From this lake the water issues in many
different streams, which terminate in two large branches, one
whereof flows towards the north-east, and the other to the east; but
these branches join at Kabra, which is one day's journey to the
southward of Timbuctoo, and is the port or shipping-place of that
city.  The tract of land which the two streams encircle is called
Jinbala, and is inhabited by negroes; and the whole distance by land
from Jenne to Timbuctoo is twelve days' journey.

From Kabra, at the distance of eleven days' journey down the stream,
the river passes to the southward of Houssa, which is two days'
journey distant from the river.  Of the farther progress of this
great river, and its final exit, all the natives with whom I
conversed seemed to be entirely ignorant.  Their commercial pursuits
seldom induce them to travel farther than the cities of Timbuctoo
and Houssa, and as the sole object of those journeys is the
acquirement of wealth, they pay little attention to the course of
rivers or the geography of countries.  It is, however, highly
probable that the Niger affords a safe and easy communication
between very remote nations.  All my informants agreed that many of
the negro merchants who arrive at Timbuctoo and Houssa from the
eastward speak a different language from that of Bambarra, or any
other kingdom with which they are acquainted But even these
merchants, it would seem, are ignorant of the termination of the
river, for such of them as can speak Arabic describe the amazing
length of its course in very general terms, saying only that they
believe it runs TO THE WORLD'S END.

The names of many kingdoms to the eastward of Houssa are familiar to
the inhabitants of Bambarra.  I was shown quivers and arrows of very
curious workmanship, which I was informed came from the kingdom of
Kassina.

On the northern bank of the Niger, at a short distance from Silla,
is the kingdom of Masina, which is inhabited by Foulahs.  They
employ themselves there, as in other places, chiefly in pasturage,
and pay an annual tribute to the king of Bambarra for the lands
which they occupy.

To the north-east of Masina is situated the kingdom of Timbuctoo,
the great object of European research--the capital of this kingdom
being one of the principal marts for that extensive commerce which
the Moors carry on with the negroes.  The hopes of acquiring wealth
in this pursuit, and zeal for propagating their religion, have
filled this extensive city with Moors and Mohammedan converts.  The
king himself and all the chief officers of state are Moors; and they
are said to be more severe and intolerant in their principles than
any other of the Moorish tribes in this part of Africa.  I was
informed by a venerable old negro, that when he first visited
Timbuctoo, he took up his lodging at a sort of public inn, the
landlord of which, when he conducted him into his hut, spread a mat
on the floor, and laid a rope upon it, saying, "If you are a
Mussulman, you are my friend--sit down; but if you are a kafir, you
are my slave, and with this rope I will lead you to market."  The
present king of Timbuctoo is named Abu Abrahima.  He is reported to
possess immense riches.  His wives and concubines are said to be
clothed in silk, and the chief officers of state live in
considerable splendour.  The whole expense of his government is
defrayed, as I was told, by a tax upon merchandise, which is
collected at the gates of the city.

The city of Houssa (the capital of a large kingdom of the same name,
situated to the eastward of Timbuctoo), is another great mart for
Moorish commerce.  I conversed with many merchants who had visited
that city, and they all agreed that it is larger--and more populous
than Timbuctoo.  The trade, police, and government are nearly the
same in both; but in Houssa the negroes are in greater proportion to
the Moors, and have some share in the government.

Concerning the small kingdom of Jinbala I was not able to collect
much information.  The soil is said to be remarkably fertile, and
the whole country so full of creeks and swamps that the Moors have
hitherto been baffled in every attempt to subdue it.  The
inhabitants are negroes, and some of them are said to live in
considerable affluence, particularly those near the capital, which
is a resting-place for such merchants as transport goods from
Timbuctoo to the western parts of Africa.

To the southward of Jinbala is situated the negro kingdom of Gotto,
which is said to be of great extent.  It was formerly divided into a
number of petty states, which were governed by their own chiefs; but
their private quarrels invited invasion from the neighbouring
kingdoms.  At length a politic chief of the name of Moossee had
address enough to make them unite in hostilities against Bambarra;
and on this occasion he was unanimously chosen general--the
different chiefs consenting for a time to act under his command.
Moossee immediately despatched a fleet of canoes, loaded with
provisions, from the banks of the lake Dibbie up the Niger towards
Jenne, and with the whole of his army pushed forwards into Bambarra.
He arrived on the bank of the Niger opposite to Jenne before the
townspeople had the smallest intimation of his approach.  His fleet
of canoes joined him the same day, and having landed the provisions,
he embarked part of his army, and in the night took Jenne by storm.
This event so terrified the king of Bambarra that he sent messengers
to sue for peace; and in order to obtain it consented to deliver to
Moossee a certain number of slaves every year, and return everything
that had been taken from the inhabitants of Gotto.  Moossee, thus
triumphant, returned to Gotto, where he was declared king, and the
capital of the country is called by his name.

On the west of Gotto is the kingdom of Baedoo, which was conquered
by the present king of Bambarra about seven years ago, and has
continued tributary to him ever since.

West of Baedoo is Maniana, the inhabitants of which, according to
the best information I was able to collect, are cruel and ferocious-
-carrying their resentment towards their enemies so far as never to
give quarter, and even to indulge themselves with unnatural and
disgusting banquets of human flesh.



CHAPTER XVII--MOORZAN TO TAFFARA



Having, for the reasons assigned in the last chapter, determined to
proceed no farther eastward than Silla, I acquainted the dooty with
my intention of returning to Sego, proposing to travel along the
southern side of the river; but he informed me that, from the number
of creeks and swamps on that side, it was impossible to travel by
any other route than along the northern bank, and even that route,
he said, would soon be impassable on account of the overflowing of
the river.  However, as he commended my determination to return
westward, he agreed to speak to some one of the fishermen to carry
me over to Moorzan.  I accordingly stepped into a canoe about eight
o'clock in the morning of July 30th, and in about an hour was landed
at Moorzan.  At this place I hired a canoe for sixty kowries, and in
the afternoon arrived at Kea, where, for forty kowries more, the
dooty permitted me to sleep in the same hut with one of his slaves.
This poor negro, perceiving that I was sickly, and that my clothes
were very ragged, humanely lent me a large cloth to cover me for the
night.

July 31.--The dooty's brother being going to Modiboo, I embraced the
opportunity of accompanying him thither, there being no beaten road.
He promised to carry my saddle, which I had left at Kea, when my
horse fell down in the woods, as I now proposed to present it to the
king of Bambarra.

We departed from Kea at eight o'clock, and about a mile to the
westward observed on the bank of the river a great number of earthen
jars piled up together.  They were very neatly formed, but not
glazed, and were evidently of that sort of pottery which is
manufactured at Downie (a town to the west of Timbuctoo), and sold
to great advantage in different parts of Bambarra.  As we approached
towards the jars my companion plucked up a large handful of herbage,
and threw it upon them, making signs for me to do the same, which I
did.  He then, with great seriousness told me that these jars
belonged to some supernatural power; that they were found in their
present situation about two years ago; and as no person had claimed
them, every traveller as he passed them, from respect to the
invisible proprietor, threw some grass, or the branch of a tree,
upon the heap, to defend the jars from the rain.

Thus conversing, we travelled in the most friendly manner, until
unfortunately we perceived the footsteps of a lion, quite fresh in
the mud, near the river-side.  My companion now proceeded with great
circumspection; and at last, coming to some thick underwood, he
insisted that I should walk before him.  I endeavoured to excuse
myself, by alleging that I did not know the road; but he obstinately
persisted, and, after a few high words and menacing looks, threw
down the saddle and went away.  This very much disconcerted me; but
as I had given up all hopes of obtaining a horse, I could not think
of encumbering myself with the saddle, and, taking off the stirrups
and girths, I threw the saddle into the river.  The negro no sooner
saw me throw the saddle into the water than he came running from
among the bushes where he had concealed himself, jumped into the
river, and by help of his spear, brought out the saddle and ran away
with it.  I continued my course along the bank; but as the wood was
remarkably thick, and I had reason to believe that a lion was at no
great distance, I became much alarmed, and took a long circuit
through the bushes to avoid him.

About four in the afternoon I reached Modiboo, where I found my
saddle.  The guide, who had got there before me, being afraid that I
should inform the king of his conduct, had brought the saddle with
him in a canoe.

While I was conversing with the dooty, and remonstrating against the
guide for having left me in such a situation, I heard a horse neigh
in one of the huts; and the dooty inquired with a smile if I knew
who was speaking to me.  He explained himself by telling me that my
horse was still alive, and somewhat recovered from his fatigue; but
he insisted that I should take him along with me, adding that he had
once kept a Moor's horse for four months, and when the horse had
recovered and got into good condition, the Moor returned and claimed
it, and refused to give him any reward for his trouble.

August 1.--I departed from Modiboo, driving my horse before me, and
in the afternoon reached Nyamee; where I remained three days, during
which time it rained without intermission, and with such violence
that no person could venture out of doors.

August 5.--I departed from Nyamee; but the country was so deluged
that I was frequently in danger of losing the road, and had to wade
across the savannas for miles together, knee-deep in water.  Even
the corn ground, which is the driest land in the country, was so
completely flooded that my horse twice stuck fast in the mud, and
was not got out without the greatest difficulty.

In the evening of the same day I arrived at Nyara, where I was well
received by the dooty; and as the 6th was rainy I did not depart
until the morning of the 7th; but the water had swelled to such a
height, that in many places the road was scarcely passable, and
though I waded breast-deep across the swamps I could only reach a
small village called Nemaboo, where however, for a hundred kowries,
I procured from some Foulahs plenty of corn for my horse and milk
for myself.

August 8.--The difficulties I had experienced the day before made me
anxious to engage a fellow-traveller, particularly as I was assured
that, in the course of a few days, the country would be so
completely overflowed as to render the road utterly impassable; but
though I offered two hundred kowries for a guide, nobody would
accompany me.  However, on the morning following, August 9th, a Moor
and his wife, riding upon two bullocks, and bound for Sego with
salt, passed the village, and agreed to take me along with them; but
I found them of little service, for they were wholly unacquainted
with the road, and being accustomed to a sandy soil, were very bad
travellers.  Instead of wading before the bullocks to feel if the
ground was solid, the woman boldly entered the first swamp, riding
upon the top of the load; but when she had proceeded about two
hundred yards the bullock sunk into a hole, and threw both the load
and herself among the reeds.  The frightened husband stood for some
time seemingly petrified with horror, and suffered his wife to be
almost drowned before he went to her assistance.

About sunset we reached Sibity, but the dooty received me very
coolly; and when I solicited for a guide to Sansanding he told me
his people were otherwise employed.  I was shown into a damp old
hut, where I passed a very uncomfortable night; for when the walls
of the huts are softened by the rain they frequently become too weak
to support the weight of the roof.  I heard three huts fall during
the night, and was apprehensive that the hut I lodged in would be
the fourth.  In the morning, as I went to pull some grass for my
horse, I counted fourteen huts which had fallen in this manner since
the commencement of the rainy season.

It continued to rain with great violence all the 10th; and as the
dooty refused to give me any provisions, I purchased some corn,
which I divided with my horse.

August 11.--The dooty compelled me to depart from the town, and I
set out for Sansanding without any great hopes of faring better than
I had done at Sibity; for I learned, from people who came to visit
me, that a report prevailed, and was universally believed, that I
had come to Bambarra as a spy; and as Mansong had not admitted me
into his presence, the dooties of the different towns were at
liberty to treat me in what manner they pleased.  From repeatedly
hearing the same story I had no doubt of the truth of it; but as
there was no alternative I determined to proceed, and a little
before sunset I arrived at Sansanding.  My reception was what I
expected.  Counti Mamadi, who had been so kind to me formerly,
scarcely gave me welcome.  Every one wished to shun me; and my
landlord sent a person to inform me that a very unfavourable report
was received from Sego concerning me, and that he wished me to
depart early in the morning.  About ten o'clock at night Counti
Mamadi himself came privately to me, and informed me that Mansong
had despatched a canoe to Jenne to bring me back; and he was afraid
I should find great difficulty in going to the west country.  He
advised me therefore to depart from Sansanding before daybreak, and
cautioned me against stopping at Diggani, or any town near Sego.

August 12.--I departed from Sansanding, and reached Kabba in the
afternoon.  As I approached the town I was surprised to see several
people assembled at the gate, one of whom, as I advanced, came
running towards me, and taking my horse by the bridle, led me round
the walls of the town, and then, pointing to the west, told me to go
along, or it would fare worse with me.  It was in vain that I
represented the danger of being benighted in the woods, exposed to
the inclemency of the weather and the fury of wild beasts.  "Go
along!" was all the answer; and a number of people coming up and
urging me in the same manner, with great earnestness, I suspected
that some of the king's messengers, who were sent in search of me,
were in the town, and that these negroes, from mere kindness,
conducted me past it with a view to facilitate my escape.  I
accordingly took the road for Sego, with the uncomfortable prospect
of passing the night on the branches of a tree.  After travelling
about three miles, I came to a small village near the road.  The
dooty was splitting sticks by the gate, but I found I could have no
admittance, and when I attempted to enter, he jumped up, and with
the stick he held in his hand, threatened to strike me off the horse
if I presumed to advance another step.

At a little distance from this village (and further from the road)
is another small one.  I conjectured that, being rather out of the
common route, the inhabitants might have fewer objections to give me
house-room for the night; and having crossed some cornfields, I sat
down under a tree by the well.  Two or three women came to draw
water, and one of them, perceiving I was a stranger, inquired
whither I was going.  I told her I was going for Sego, but being
benighted on the road, I wished to stay at the village until
morning, and begged she would acquaint the dooty with my situation.
In a little time the dooty sent for me, and permitted me to sleep in
a large baloon.

August 13.--About ten o'clock I reached a small village within half
a mile of Sego, where I endeavoured, but in vain, to procure some
provisions.  Every one seemed anxious to avoid me; and I can plainly
perceive, by the looks and behaviour of the inhabitants, that some
very unfavourable accounts had been circulated concerning me.  I was
again informed that Mansong had sent people to apprehend me, and the
dooty's son told me I had no time to lose if I wished to get safe
out of Bambarra.  I now fully saw the danger of my situation, and
determined to avoid Sego altogether.  I accordingly mounted my
horse, and taking the road for Diggani, travelled as fast as I could
till I was out of sight of the villagers, when I struck to the
westward, through high grass and swampy ground.  About noon I
stopped under a tree to consider what course to take, for I had now
no doubt that the Moors and slatees had misinformed the king
respecting the object of my mission, and that people were absolutely
in search of me to convey me a prisoner to Sego.  Sometimes I had
thoughts of swimming my horse across the Niger, and going to the
southward for Cape Coast, but reflecting that I had ten days to
travel before I should reach Kong, and afterwards an extensive
country to traverse, inhabited by various nations with whose
language and manners I was totally unacquainted, I relinquished this
scheme, and judged that I should better answer the purpose of my
mission by proceeding to the westward along the Niger, endeavouring
to ascertain how far the river was navigable in that direction.
Having resolved upon this course, I proceeded accordingly, and a
little before sunset arrived at a Foulah village called Sooboo,
where, for two hundred kowries, I procured lodging for the night.

August 14.--I continued my course along the bank of the river,
through a populous and well-cultivated country.  I passed a walled
town called Kamalia {2} without stopping, and at noon rode through a
large town called Samee, where there happened to be a market, and a
number of people assembled in an open place in the middle of the
town, selling cattle, cloth, corn, &c.  I rode through the midst of
them without being much observed, every one taking me for a Moor.
In the afternoon I arrived at a small village called Binni, where I
agreed with the dooty's son, for one hundred kowries, to allow me to
stay for the night; but when the dooty returned, he insisted that I
should instantly leave the place, and if his wife and son had not
interceded for me, I must have complied.

August 15.--About nine o'clock I passed a large town called Sai,
which very much excited my curiosity.  It is completely surrounded
by two very deep trenches, at about two hundred yards distant from
the walls.  On the top of the trenches are a number of square
towers, and the whole has the appearance of a regular fortification.

About noon I came to the village of Kaimoo, situated upon the bank
of the river, and as the corn I had purchased at Sibili was
exhausted, I endeavoured to purchase a fresh supply, but was
informed that corn was become very scarce all over the country, and
though I offered fifty kowries for a small quantity, no person would
sell me any.  As I was about to depart, however, one of the
villagers (who probably mistook me for some Moorish shereef) brought
me some as a present, only desiring me to bestow my blessing upon
him, which I did in plain English, and he received it with a
thousand acknowledgments.  Of this present I made my dinner, and it
was the third successive day that I had subsisted entirely upon raw
corn.

In the evening I arrived at a small village called Song, the surly
inhabitants of which would not receive me, nor so much as permit me
to enter the gate; but as lions were very numerous in this
neighbourhood, and I had frequently, in the course of the day,
observed the impression of their feet on the road, I resolved to
stay in the vicinity of the village.  Having collected some grass
for my horse, I accordingly lay down under a tree by the gate.
About ten o'clock I heard the hollow roar of a lion at no great
distance, and attempted to open the gate, but the people from within
told me that no person must attempt to enter the gate without the
dooty's permission.  I begged them to inform the dooty that a lion
was approaching the village, and I hoped he would allow me to come
within the gate.  I waited for an answer to this message with great
anxiety, for the lion kept prowling round the village, and once
advanced so very near me that I heard him rustling among the grass,
and climbed the tree for safety.  About midnight the dooty. with
some of his people, opened the gate, and desired me to come in.
They were convinced, they said, that I was not a Moor, for no Moor
ever waited any time at the gate of a village without cursing the
inhabitants.

August 16.--About ten o'clock I passed a considerable town, with a
mosque, called Jabbee.  Here the country begins to rise into hills,
and I could see the summits of high mountains to the westward.
About noon I stopped at a small village near Yamina, where I
purchased some corn, and dried my papers and clothes.

The town of Yamina at a distance has a very fine appearance.  It
covers nearly the same extent of ground as Sansanding, but having
been plundered by Daisy, king of Kaarta, about four years ago, it
has not yet resumed its former prosperity, nearly one-half of the
town being nothing but a heap of ruins.  However, it is still a
considerable place, and is so much frequented by the Moors that I
did not think it safe to lodge in it, but in order to satisfy myself
respecting its population and extent, I resolved to ride through it,
in doing which I observed a great many Moors sitting upon the
bentangs, and other places of public resort.  Everybody looked at me
with astonishment, but as I rode briskly along they had no time to
ask questions.

I arrived in the evening at Farra, a walled village, where, without
much difficulty, I procured a lodging for the night.

August 17.--Early in the morning I pursued my journey, and at eight
o'clock passed a considerable town called Balaba, after which the
road quits the plain, and stretches along the side of the hill.  I
passed in the course of this day the ruins of three towns, the
inhabitants of which were all carried away by Daisy, king of Kaarta,
on the same day that he took and plundered Yamina.  Near one of
these ruins I climbed a tamarind-tree, but found the fruit quite
green and sour, and the prospect of the country was by no means
inviting, for the high grass and bushes seemed completely to
obstruct the road, and the low lands were all so flooded by the
river, that the Niger had the appearance of an extensive lake.  In
the evening I arrived at Kanika, where the dooty, who was sitting
upon an elephant's hide at the gate, received me kindly, and gave me
for supper some milk and meal, which I considered (as to a person in
my situation it really was) a very great luxury.

August 18.--By mistake I took the wrong road, and did not discover
my error until I had travelled nearly four miles, when, coming to an
eminence, I observed the Niger considerably to the left.  Directing
my course towards it, I travelled through long grass and bushes with
great difficulty until two o'clock in thee afternoon, when I came to
a comparatively small but very rapid river, which I took at first
for a creek, or one of the streams of the Niger.  However, after I
had examined it with more attention, I was convinced that it was a
distinct river, and as the road evidently crossed it (for I could
see the pathway on the opposite side), I sat down upon the bank in
hopes that some traveller might arrive who would give me the
necessary information concerning the fording-place--for the banks
were so covered with reeds and bushes that it would have been almost
impossible to land on the other side, except at the pathway, which,
on account of the rapidity of the stream, it seemed very difficult
to reach.  No traveller however arriving, and there being a great
appearance of rain, I examined the grass and bushes for some way up
the bank, and determined upon entering the river considerably above
the pathway, in order to reach the other side before the stream had
swept me too far down.  With this view I fastened my clothes upon
the saddle, and was standing up to the neck in water, pulling my
horse by the bridle to make him follow me, where a man came
accidentally to the place, and seeing me in the water, called to me
with great vehemence to come out.  The alligators, he said, would
devour both me and my horse, if we attempted to swim over.  When I
had got out, the stranger, who had never before seen a European,
seemed wonderfully surprised.  He twice put his hand to his mouth,
exclaiming, in a low tone of voice, "God preserve me! who is this?"
but when he heard me speak the Bambarra tongue, and found that I was
going the same way as himself, he promised to assist me in crossing
the river, the name of which he said was Frina.  He then went a
little way along the bank, and called to some person, who answered
from the other side.  In a short time a canoe with two boys came
paddling from among the reeds.  These boys agreed for fifty kowries
to transport me and my horse over the river, which was effected
without much difficulty, and I arrived in the evening at Taffara, a
walled town, and soon discovered that the language of the natives
was improved from the corrupted dialect of Bambarra to the pure
Mandingo.



CHAPTER XVIII--DESPAIRING THOUGHTS--ARRIVAL AT SIBIDOOLOO



On my arrival at Taffara I inquired for the dooty, but was informed
that he had died a few days before my arrival, and that there was at
that moment a meeting of the chief men for electing another, there
being some dispute about the succession.  It was probably owing to
this unsettled state of the town that I experienced such a want of
hospitality in it, for though I informed the inhabitants that I
should only remain with them for one night, and assured them that
Mansong had given me some kowries to pay for my lodging, yet no
person invited me to come in, and I was forced to sit alone under
the bentang-tree, exposed to the rain and wind of a tornado, which
lasted with great violence until midnight.  At this time the
stranger who had assisted me in crossing the river paid me a visit,
and observing that I had not found a lodging, invited me to take
part of his supper, which he had brought to the door of his hut;
for, being a guest himself, he could not, without his landlord's
consent, invite me to come in.  After this I slept upon some wet
grass in the corner of a court.  My horse fared still worse than
myself, the corn I purchased being all expended, and I could not
procure a supply.

August 20.--I passed the town of Jaba, and stopped a few minutes at
a village called Somino, where I begged and obtained some coarse
food, which the natives prepare from the husks of corn, and call
boo.  About two o'clock I came to the village of Sooha, and
endeavoured to purchase some corn from the dooty, who was sitting by
the gate, but without success.  I then requested a little food by
way of charity, but was told he had none to spare.  Whilst I was
examining the countenance of this inhospitable old man, and
endeavouring to find out the cause of the sullen discontent which
was visible in his eye, he called to a slave who was working in the
cornfield at a little distance, and ordered him to bring his hoe
along with him.  The dooty then told him to dig a hole in the
ground, pointing to a spot at no great distance.  The slave, with
his hoe, began to dig a pit in the earth, and the dooty, who
appeared to be a man of very fretful disposition, kept muttering and
talking to himself until the pit was almost finished, when he
repeatedly pronounced the words "dankatoo" ("good for nothing")--
"jankra lemen" ("a real plague")--which expressions I thought could
be applied to nobody but myself; and as the pit had very much the
appearance of a grave, I thought it prudent to mount my horse, and
was about to decamp, when the slave, who had before gone into the
village, to my surprise returned with the corpse of a boy about nine
or ten years of age. quite naked.  The negro carried the body by a
leg and an arm, and threw it into the pit with a savage indifference
which I had never before seen.  As he covered the body with earth,
the dooty often expressed himself, "naphula attiniata" ("money
lost"), whence I concluded that the boy had been one of his slaves.

Departing from this shocking scene, I travelled by the side of the
river until sunset, when I came to Koolikorro, a considerable town,
and a great market for salt.  Here I took up my lodging at the house
of a Bambarran, who had formerly been the slave of a Moor, and in
that character had travelled to Aroan, Towdinni, and many other
places in the Great Desert; but turning Mussulman, and his master
dying at Jenne, he obtained his freedom and settled at this place,
where he carries on a considerable trade in salt, cotton cloth, &c.
His knowledge of the world had not lessened that superstitious
confidence in saphies and charms which he had imbibed in his earlier
years, for when he heard that I was a Christian, he immediately
thought of procuring a saphie, and for this purpose brought out his
walha, or writing-board, assuring me that he would dress me a supper
of rice if I would write him a saphie to protect him from wicked
men.  The proposal was of too great consequence to me to be refused.
I therefore wrote the board full, from top to bottom, on both sides;
and my landlord, to be certain of having the whole force of the
charm, washed the writing from the board into a calabash with a
little water, and having said a few prayers over it, drank this
powerful draught; after which, lest a single word should escape, he
licked the board until it was quite dry.  A saphie-writer was a man
of too great consequence to be long concealed; the important
information was carried to the dooty, who sent his son with half a
sheet of writing-paper, desiring me to write him a naphula saphie (a
charm to procure wealth).  He brought me, as a present, some meal
and milk, and when I had finished the saphie, and read it to him
with an audible voice, he seemed highly satisfied with his bargain,
and promised to bring me in the morning some milk for my breakfast.
When I had finished my supper of rice and salt, I laid myself down
upon a bullock's hide, and slept very quietly until morning, this
being the first good meal and refreshing sleep that I had enjoyed
for a long time.

August 21.--At daybreak I departed from Koolikorro, and about noon
passed the villages of Kayoo and Toolumbo.  In the afternoon I
arrived at Marraboo, a large town, and, like Koolikorro, famous for
its trade in salt.  I was conducted to the house of a Kaartan, of
the tribe of Jower, by whom I was well received.  This man had
acquired a considerable property in the slave-trade, and, from his
hospitality to strangers, was called, by way of pre-eminence, jatee
(the landlord), and his house was a sort of public inn for all
travellers.  Those who had money were well lodged, for they always
made him some return for his kindness, but those who had nothing to
give were content to accept whatever he thought proper; and as I
could not rank myself among the moneyed men, I was happy to take up
my lodging in the same but with seven poor fellows who had come from
Kancaba in a canoe.  But our landlord sent us some victuals.

August 22--One of the landlord's servants went with me a little way
from the town to show me what road to take, but, whether from
ignorance or design I know not, he directed me wrong, and I did not
discover my mistake until the day was far advanced, when, coming to
a deep creek, I had some thoughts of turning back, but as by that
means I foresaw that I could not possibly reach Bammakoo before
night, I resolved to cross it, and, leading my horse close to the
brink, I went behind him and pushed him headlong into the water, and
then taking the bridle in my teeth, swam over to the other side.
About four o'clock in the afternoon, having altered my course from
the river towards the mountains, I came to a small pathway which led
to a village called Frookaboo, where I slept.

August 23--Early in the morning I set out for Bammakoo, at which
place I arrived about five o'clock in the afternoon.  I had heard
Bammakoo much talked of as a great market for salt, and I felt
rather disappointed to find it only a middling town, not quite so
large as Marraboo; however, the smallness of its size is more than
compensated by the richness of its inhabitants, for when the Moors
bring their salt through Kaarta or Bambarra, they constantly rest a
few days at this place, and the negro merchants here, who are well
acquainted with the value of salt in different kingdoms, frequently
purchase by wholesale, and retail it to great advantage.  Here I
lodged at the house of a Serawoolli negro, and was visited by a
number of Moors.  They spoke very good Mandingo, and were more civil
to me than their countrymen had been.  One of them had travelled to
Rio Grande, and spoke very highly of the Christians.  He sent me in
the evening some boiled rice and milk.  I now endeavoured to procure
information concerning my route to the westward from a slave
merchant who had resided some years on the Gambia.  He gave me some
imperfect account of the distance, and enumerated the names of a
great many places that lay in the way, but withal told me that the
road was impassable at this season of the year:  he was even afraid,
he said, that I should find great difficulty in proceeding any
farther; as the road crossed the Joliba at a town about half a day's
journey to the westward of Bammakoo, and there being no canoes at
that place large enough to receive my horse, I could not possibly
get him over for some months to come.  This was an obstruction of a
very serious nature; but as I had no money to maintain myself even
for a few days, I resolved to push on, and if I could not convey my
horse across the river, to abandon him, and swim over myself.  In
thoughts of this nature I passed the night, and in the morning
consulted with my landlord how I should surmount the present
difficulty.  He informed me that one road still remained, which was
indeed very rocky, and scarcely passable for horses, but that if I
had a proper guide over the hills to a town called Sibidooloo, he
had no doubt but with patience and caution I might travel forwards
through Manding.  I immediately applied to the dooty, and was
informed that a jilli kea (singing man) was about to depart for
Sibidooloo, and would show me the road over the hills.  With this
man, who undertook to be my conductor, I travelled up a rocky glen
about two miles, when we came to a small village, and here my
musical fellow-traveller found out that he had brought me the wrong
road.  He told me that the horse-road lay on the other side of the
hill, and throwing his drum on his back, mounted up the rocks where,
indeed, no horse could follow him, leaving me to admire his agility,
and trace out a road for myself.  As I found it impossible to
proceed, I rode back to the level ground, and directing my course to
the eastward, came about noon to another glen, and discovered a path
on which I observed the marks of horses' feet.  Following this path
I came in a short time to some shepherds' huts, where I was informed
that I was in the right road, but that I could not possibly reach
Sibidooloo before night.

A little before sunset I descended on the north-west side of this
ridge of hills, and as I was looking about for a convenient tree
under which to pass the night (for I had no hopes of reaching any
town) I descended into a delightful valley, and soon afterwards
arrived at a romantic village called Kooma.  This village is
surrounded by a high wall, and is the sole property of a Mandingo
merchant, who fled hither with his family during a former war.  The
adjacent fields yield him plenty of corn, his cattle roam at large
in the valley, and the rocky hills secure him from the depredations
of war.  In this obscure retreat he is seldom visited by strangers,
but whenever this happens he makes the weary traveller welcome.  I
soon found myself surrounded by a circle of the harmless villagers.
They asked a thousand questions about my country, and, in return for
my information, brought corn and milk for myself, and grass for my
horse, kindled a fire in the hut where I was to sleep, and appeared
very anxious to serve me.

August 25.--I departed from Kooma, accompanied by two shepherds who
were going towards Sibidooloo.  The road was very steep and rocky,
and as my horse had hurt his feet much in coming from Bammakoo, he
travelled slowly and with great difficulty, for in many places the
ascent was so sharp, and the declivities so great, that if he had
made one false step he must inevitably have been dashed to pieces.
The shepherds being anxious to proceed, gave themselves little
trouble about me or my horse, and kept walking on at a considerable
distance.  It was about eleven o'clock, as I stopped to drink a
little water at a rivulet (my companions being near a quarter of a
mile before me), that I heard some people calling to each other, and
presently a loud screaming, as from a person in great distress.  I
immediately conjectured that a lion had taken one of the shepherds,
and mounted my horse to have a better view of what had happened.
The noise, however, ceased, and I rode slowly towards the place from
whence I thought it had proceeded, calling out, but without
receiving any answer.  In a little time, however, I perceived one of
the shepherds lying among the long grass near the road, and though I
could see no blood upon him, I concluded he was dead.  But when I
came close to him, he whispered to me to stop, telling me that a
party of armed men had seized upon his companion, and shot two
arrows at himself as he was making his escape.  I stopped to
consider what course to take, and looking round, saw at a little
distance a man sitting upon the stump of a tree.  I distinguished
also the heads of six or seven more, sitting among the grass, with
muskets in their hands.  I had now no hopes of escaping, and
therefore determined to ride forward towards them.  As I approached
them, I was in hopes they were elephant-hunters; and by way of
opening the conversation inquired if they had shot anything, but
without returning an answer one of them ordered me to dismount, and
then, as if recollecting himself, waved with his hand for me to
proceed.  I accordingly rode past, and had with some difficulty
crossed a deep rivulet, when I heard somebody holloa, and looking
behind, saw those I had taken for elephant-hunters running after me,
and calling out to me to turn back.  I stopped until they were all
come up, when they informed me that the king of the Foulahs had sent
them on purpose to bring me, my horse, and everything that belonged
to me, to Fooladoo, and that therefore I must turn back and go along
with them.  Without hesitating a moment, I turned round and followed
them, and we travelled together nearly a quarter of a mile without
exchanging a word; when, coming to a dark place in a wood, one of
them said in the Mandingo language, "This place will do," and
immediately snatched my hat from my head.  Though I was by no means
free of apprehension, yet I resolved to show as few signs of fear as
possible, and therefore told them that unless my hat was returned to
me I should proceed no farther.  But before I had time to receive an
answer another drew his knife, and seizing upon a metal button which
remained upon my waistcoat, cut it off and put it into his pocket.
Their intentions were obvious, and I thought that the easier they
were permitted to rob me of everything, the less I had to fear.  I
therefore allowed them to search my pockets without resistance, and
examine every part of my apparel, which they did with the most
scrupulous exactness.  But observing that I had one waistcoat under
another, they insisted that I should cast them both off; and at
last, to make sure work, they stripped me quite naked.  Even my
half-boots (though the sole of one of them was tied on to my foot
with a broken bridle rein) were minutely inspected.  Whilst they
were examining the plunder, I begged them, with great earnestness,
to return my pocket-compass; but when I pointed it out to them as it
was lying on the ground, one of the banditti, thinking I was about
to take it up, cocked his musket, and swore that he would lay me
dead upon the spot if I presumed to put my hand upon it.  After
this, some of them went away with my horse, and the remainder stood
considering whether they should leave me quite naked, or allow me
something to shelter me from the sun.  Humanity at last prevailed;
they returned me the worst of the two shirts and a pair of trousers;
and, as they went away, one of them threw back my hat, in the crown
of which I kept my memorandums, and this was probably the reason
they did not wish to keep it.  After they were gone, I sat for some
time looking round me within amazement and terror.  Whichever way I
turned, nothing appeared but danger and difficulty.  I saw myself in
the midst of a vast wilderness, in the depth of the rainy season--
naked and alone, surrounded by savage animals, and men still more
savage.  I was five hundred miles from the nearest European
settlement.  All these circumstances crowded at once on my
recollection, and I confess that my spirits began to fail me.  I
considered my fate as certain, and that I had no alternative but to
lie down and perish.  The influence of religion, however, aided and
supported me.  I reflected that no human prudence or foresight could
possibly have averted my present sufferings.  I was indeed a
stranger in a strange land, yet I was still under the protecting eye
of that Providence who has condescended to call Himself the
stranger's Friend.  At this moment, painful as my reflections were,
the extraordinary beauty of a small moss in fructification
irresistibly caught my eye.  I mention this to show from what
trifling circumstances the mind will sometimes derive consolation;
for though the whole plant was not larger than the top of one of my
fingers, I could not contemplate the delicate conformation of its
roots, leaves, and capsula without admiration.  Can that Being,
thought I, who planted, watered, and brought to perfection, in this
obscure part of the world, a thing which appears of so small
importance, look within unconcern upon the situation and sufferings
of creatures formed after His own image?  Surely not!  Reflections
like these would not allow me to despair.  I started up, and,
disregarding both hunger and fatigue, travelled forwards, assured
that relief was at hand; and I was not disappointed.  In a short
time I came to a small village, at the entrance of which I overtook
the two shepherds who had come with me from Kooma.  They were much
surprised to see me; for they said they never doubted that the
Foulahs, when they had robbed, had murdered me.  Departing from this
village, we travelled over several rocky ridges, and at sunset
arrived at Sibidooloo, the frontier town of the kingdom of Manding.



CHAPTER XIX--ILLNESS AT KAMALIA AND KINDNESS OF THE NATIVES



The town of Sibidooloo is situated in a fertile valley, surrounded
with high, rocky hills.  It is scarcely accessible for horses, and
during the frequent wars between the Bambarrans, Foulahs, and
Mandingoes has never once been plundered by an enemy.  When I
entered the town, the people gathered round me and followed me into
the baloon, where I was presented to the dooty or chief man, who is
here called mansa, which usually signifies king.  Nevertheless, it
appeared to me that the government of Manding was a sort of
republic, or rather an oligarchy--every town having a particular
mansa, and the chief power of the state, in the last resort, being
lodged in the assembly of the whole body.  I related to the mansa
the circumstances of my having been robbed of my horse and apparel;
and my story was confirmed by the two shepherds.  He continued
smoking his pipe all the time I was speaking; but I had no sooner
finished, than, taking his pipe from his mouth, and tossing up the
sleeve of his cloak with an indignant air--"Sit down," said he; "you
shall have everything restored to you; I have sworn it:"--and then
turning to an attendant, "Give the white man," said he, "a draught
of water; and with the first light of the morning go over the hills,
and inform the dooty of Bammakoo that a poor white man, the king of
Bambarra's stranger, has been robbed by the king of Fooladoo's
people."

I little expected, in my forlorn condition, to meet with a man who
could thus feel for my sufferings.  I heartily thanked the mansa for
his kindness, and accepted his invitation to remain with him until
the return of the messenger.  I was conducted into a hut and had
some victuals sent me, but the crowd of people which assembled to
see me--all of whom commiserated my misfortunes, and vented
imprecations against the Foulahs--prevented me from sleeping until
past midnight.  Two days I remained without hearing any intelligence
of my horse or clothes; and as there was at this time a great
scarcity of provisions, approaching even to famine, all over this
part of the country, I was unwilling to trespass any farther on the
mansa's generosity, and begged permission to depart to the next
village.  Finding me very anxious to proceed, he told me that I
might go as far as a town called Wonda, where he hoped I would
remain a few days until I heard some account of my horse, etc.

I departed accordingly on the next morning, the 28th, and stopped at
some small villages for refreshment.  I was presented at one of them
with a dish which I had never before seen.  It was composed of the
blossoms or antherae of the maize, stewed in milk and water.  It is
eaten only in time of great scarcity.  On the 30th, about noon, I
arrived at Wonda, a small town with a mosque, and surrounded by a
high wall.  The mansa, who was a Mohammedan, acted in two
capacities--as chief magistrate of the town, and schoolmaster to the
children.  He kept his school in an open shed, where I was desired
to take up my lodging until some account should arrive from
Sibidooloo concerning my horse and clothes; for though the horse was
of little use to me, yet the few clothes were essential, The little
raiment upon me could neither protect me from the sun by day, nor
the dews and mosquitoes by night:  indeed, my shirt was not only
worn thin like a piece of muslin, but withal so very dirty that I
was happy to embrace an opportunity of washing it, which having
done, and spread it upon a bush, I sat down naked in the shade until
it was dry.

Ever since the commencement of the rainy season my health had been
greatly on the decline.  I had often been affected with slight
paroxysms of fever; and from the time of leaving Bammakoo the
symptoms had considerably increased.  As I was sitting in the manner
described, the fever returned with such violence that it very much
alarmed me; the more so as I had no medicine to stop its progress,
nor any hope of obtaining that care and attention which my situation
required.

I remained at Wonda nine days, during which time I experienced the
regular return of the fever every day.  And though I endeavoured as
much as possible to conceal my distress from my landlord, and
frequently lay down the whole day out of his sight, in a field of
corn--conscious how burdensome I was to him and his family in a time
of such great scarcity--yet I found that he was apprised of my
situation; and one morning, as I feigned to be asleep by the fire,
he observed to his wife that they were likely to find me a very
troublesome and chargeable guest; for that, in my present sickly
state, they should be obliged, for the sake of their good name, to
maintain me until I recovered or died.

The scarcity of provisions was certainly felt at this time most
severely by the poor people, as the following circumstance most
painfully convinced me:- Every evening during my stay I observed
five or six women come to the mansa's house, and receive each of
them a certain quantity of corn.  As I knew how valuable this
article was at this juncture, I inquired of the mansa whether he
maintained these poor women from pure bounty, or expected a return
when the harvest should be gathered in.  "Observe that boy," said he
(pointing to a fine child about five years of age); "his mother has
sold him to me for forty days' provision for herself and the rest of
her family.  I have bought another boy in the same manner."  Good
God! thought I, what must a mother suffer before she sells her own
child!  I could not get this melancholy subject out of my mind; and
the next night, when the women returned for their allowance, I
desired the boy to point out to me his mother, which he did.  She
was much emaciated, but had nothing cruel or savage in her
countenance; and when she had received her corn, she came and talked
to her son with as much cheerfulness as if he had still been under
her care.

September 6.--Two people arrived from Sibidooloo, bringing with them
my horse and clothes; but I found that my pocket-compass was broken
to pieces.  This was a great loss, which I could not repair.

September 7.--As my horse was grazing near the brink of a well the
ground gave way and he fell in.  The well was about ten feet in
diameter, and so very deep that when I saw my horse snorting in the
water I thought it was impossible to save him.  The inhabitants of
the village, however, immediately assembled, and having tied
together a number of withes, {3} they lowered a man down into the
well, who fastened those withes round the body of the horse; and the
people, having first drawn up the man, took hold of the withes and,
to my surprise, pulled the horse out with the greatest facility.
The poor animal was now reduced to a mere skeleton, and the roads
were scarcely passable, being either very rocky, or else full of mud
and water.  I therefore found it impracticable to travel with him
any farther, and was happy to leave him in the hands of one who, I
thought, would take care of him.  I accordingly presented him to my
landlord, and desired him to send my saddle and bridle as a present
to the mansa of Sibidooloo, being the only return I could make him
for having taken so much trouble in procuring my horse and clothes.

I now thought it necessary, sick as I was, to take leave of my
hospitable landlord.  On the morning of September 8th, when I was
about to depart, he presented me with his spear, as a token of
remembrance, and a leather bag to contain my clothes.  Having
converted my half-boots into sandals, I travelled with more ease,
and slept that night at a village called Ballanti.  On the 9th I
reached Nemacoo; but the mansa of the village thought fit to make me
sup upon the chameleon's dish.  By way of apology, however, he
assured me the next morning that the scarcity of corn was such that
he could not possibly allow me any.  I could not accuse him of
unkindness, as all the people actually appeared to be starving.

September 10.--It rained hard all day, and the people kept
themselves in their huts.  In the afternoon I was visited by a
negro, named Modi Lemina Taura, a great trader, who, suspecting my
distress, brought me some victuals, and promised to conduct me to
his own house at Kinyeto the day following.

September 11.--I departed from Nemacoo, and arrived at Kinyeto in
the evening; but having hurt my ankle in the way, it swelled and
inflamed so much that I could neither walk nor set my foot to the
ground the next day without great pain.  My landlord, observing
this, kindly invited me to stop with him a few days, and I
accordingly remained at his house until the 14th, by which the I
felt much relieved, and could walk with the help of a staff.  I now
set out, thanking my landlord for his great care and attention; and
being accompanied by a young man who was travelling the same way, I
proceeded for Jerijang, a beautiful and well-cultivated district,
the mansa of which is reckoned the most powerful chief of any in
Manding.

On the 15th I reached Dosita, a large town, where I stayed one day
on account of the rain; but I continued very sickly, and was
slightly delirious in the night.  On the 17th I set out for Mansia,
a considerable town, where small quantities of gold are collected.
The road led over a high, rocky hill, and my strength and spirits
were so much exhausted that before I could reach the top of the hill
I was forced to lie down three times, being very faint and sickly.
I reached Mansia in the afternoon.  The mansa of this town had the
character of being very inhospitable; he, however, sent me a little
corn for my supper, but demanded something in return; and when I
assured him that I had nothing of value in my possession, he told me
(as if in jest) that my white skin should not defend me if I told
him lies.  He then showed me the hut wherein I was to sleep, but
took away my spear, saying that it should be returned to me in the
morning.  This trifling circumstance, when joined to the character I
had heard of the man, made me rather suspicious of him, and I
privately desired one of the inhabitants of the place, who had a bow
and a quiver, to sleep in the same hunt with me.  About midnight I
heard somebody approach the door, and, observing the moonlight
strike suddenly into the hut, I started up and saw a man stepping
cautiously over the threshold.  I immediately snatched up the
negro's bow and quiver, the rattling of which made the man withdraw;
and my companion, looking out, assured me that it was the mansa
himself, and advised me to keep awake until the morning.  I closed
the door, and placed a large piece of wood behind it, and was
wondering at this unexpected visit, when somebody pressed so hard
against the door that the negro could scarcely keep it shut; but
when I called to him to open the door, the intruder ran off as
before.

September 16.--As soon as it was light the negro, at my request,
went to the mansa's house and brought away my spear.  He told me
that the mansa was asleep, and lest this inhospitable chief should
devise means to detain me, he advised me to set out before he was
awake, which I immediately did, and about two o'clock reached
Kamalia, a small town situated at the bottom of some rocky hills,
where the inhabitants collect gold in considerable quantities.

On my arrival at Kamalia I was conducted to the house of a bushreen
named Karfa Taura, the brother of him to whose hospitality I was
indebted at Kinyeto.  He was collecting a coffle of slaves, with a
view to sell them to the Europeans on the Gambia as soon as the
rains should be over.  I found him sitting in his baloon, surrounded
by several slatees who proposed to join the coffle.  He was reading
to them from an Arabic book, and inquired with a smile if I
understood it.  Being answered in the negative, he desired one of
the slatees to fetch the little curious book which had been brought
from the west country.  On opening this small volume I was surprised
and delighted to find it our Book of Common Prayer, and Karfa
expressed great joy to hear that I could read it; for some of the
slatees, who had seen the Europeans upon the coast, observing the
colour of my skin (which was now become very yellow from sickness),
my long beard, ragged clothes, and extreme poverty, were unwilling
to admit that I was a white man, and told Karfa that they suspected
I was some Arab in disguise.  Karfa, however, perceiving that I
could read this book, had no doubt concerning me, and kindly
promised me every assistance in his power.  At the same time he
informed me that it was impossible to cross the Jallonka wilderness
for many months yet to come, as no less than eight rapid rivers, he
said, lay in the way.  He added that he intended to set out himself
for Gambia as soon as the rivers were fordable and the grass burnt,
and advised me to stay and accompany him.  He remarked that when a
caravan of the natives could not travel through the country it was
idle for a single white man to attempt it.  I readily admitted that
such an attempt was an act of rashness, but I assured him that I had
no alternative, for, having no money to support myself, I must
either beg my subsistence by travelling from place to place, or
perish for want.  Karfa now looked at me with great earnestness, and
inquired if I could eat the common victuals of the country, assuring
me he had never before seen a white man.  He added that if I would
remain with him until the rains were over, he would give me plenty
of victuals in the meantime, and a hut to sleep in; and that after
he had conducted me in safety to the Gambia, I might then make him
what return I thought proper.  I asked him if the value of one prime
slave would satisfy him.  He answered in the affirmative, and
immediately ordered one of the huts to be swept for my
accommodation.  Thus was I delivered, by the friendly care of this
benevolent negro, from a situation truly deplorable.  Distress and
famine pressed hard upon me.  I had before me the gloomy wilds of
Jallonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for five
successive days.  I had observed at a distance the rapid course of
the river Kokoro.  I had almost marked out the place where I was
doomed, I thought, to perish, when this friendly negro stretched out
his hospitable hand for my relief.

In the hut which was appropriated for me I was provided with a mat
to sleep on, an earthen jar for holding water, and a small calabash
to drink out of; and Karfa sent me, from his own dwelling, two meals
a day, and ordered his slaves to supply me with firewood and water.
But I found that neither the kindness of Karfa nor any sort of
accommodation could put a stop to the fever which weakened me, and
which became every day more alarming.  I endeavoured as much as
possible to conceal my distress; but on the third day after my
arrival, as I was going with Karfa to visit some of his friends, I
found myself so faint that I could scarcely walk, and before we
reached the place I staggered and fell into a pit, from which the
clay had been taken to build one of the huts.  Karfa endeavoured to
console me with the hopes of a speedy recovery, assuring me that if
I would not walk out in the wet I should soon be well.  I determined
to follow his advice, and confine myself to my hut, but was still
tormented with the fever, and my health continued to be in a very
precarious state for five ensuing weeks.  Sometimes I could crawl
out of the hut, and sit a few hours in the open air; at other times
I was unable to rise, and passed the lingering hours in a very
gloomy and solitary manner.  I was seldom visited by any person
except my benevolent landlord, who came daily to inquire after my
health.

When the rains became less frequent, and the country began to grow
dry, the fever left me, but in so debilitated a condition that I
could scarcely stand upright; and it was with great difficulty that
I could carry my mat to the shade of a tamarind-tree, at a short
distance, to enjoy the refreshing smell of the cornfields, and
delight my eyes with a prospect of the country.  I had the pleasure
at length to find myself in a state of convalescence, towards which
the benevolent and simple manners of the negroes, and the perusal of
Karfa's little volume, greatly contributed.

In the meantime many of the slatees who reside at Kamalia having
spent all their money, and become in a great measure dependent upon
Karfa's hospitality, beheld me with an eye of envy, and invented
many ridiculous and trifling stories to lessen me in Karfa's esteem.
And in the beginning of December a Serawoolli slatee, with five
slaves, arrived from Sego; this man, too, spread a number of
malicious reports concerning me, but Karfa paid no attention to
them, and continued to show me the same kindness as formerly.  As I
was one day conversing with the slaves which this slatee had
brought, one of them begged me to give him some victuals.  I told
him I was a stranger, and had none to give.  He replied, "I gave you
victuals when you were hungry.  Have you forgot the man who brought
you milk at Karrankalla?  But," added he with a sigh, "THE IRONS
WERE NOT THEN UPON MY LEGS!"  I immediately recollected him, and
begged some ground nuts from Karfa to give him, as a return for his
former kindness.

In the beginning of December, Karfa proposed to complete his
purchase of slaves, and for this purpose collected all the debts
which were owing to him in his own country; and on the 19th, being
accompanied by three slatees, he departed for Kancaba, a large town
on the banks of the Niger and a great slave-market.  Most of the
slaves who are sold at Kancaba come from Bambarra; for Mansong, to
avoid the expense and danger of keeping all his prisoners at Sego,
commonly sends them in small parties to be sold at the different
trading towns; and as Kancaba is much resorted to by merchants it is
always well supplied with slaves, which are sent thither up the
Niger in canoes.  When Karfa departed from Kamalia he proposed to
return in the course of a month, and during his absence I was left
to the care of a good old bushreen, who acted as schoolmaster to the
young people of Kamalia.



CHAPTER XX--NEGRO CUSTOMS



The whole of my route, both in going and returning, having been
confined to a tract of country bounded nearly by the 12th and 15th
parallels of latitude, the reader must imagine that I found the
climate in most places extremely hot, but nowhere did I feel the
heat so intense and oppressive as in the camp at Benowm, of which
mention has been made in a former place.  In some parts, where the
country ascends into hills, the air is at all times, comparatively
cool; yet none of the districts which I traversed could properly be
called mountainous.  About the middle of June the hot and sultry
atmosphere is agitated by violent gusts of wind (called tornadoes),
accompanied with thunder and rain.  These usher in what is
denominated "the rainy season," which continues until the month of
November.  During this time the diurnal rains are very heavy, and
the prevailing winds are from the south-west.  The termination of
the rainy season is likewise attended with violent tornadoes, after
which the wind shifts to the north-east, and continues to blow from
that quarter during the rest of the year

When the wind sets in from the north-east it produces a wonderful
change in the face of the country.  The grass soon becomes dry and
withered, the rivers subside very rapidly, and many of the trees
shed their leaves.  About this period is commonly felt the
harmattan, a dry and parching wind blowing from the north-east, and
accompanied by a thick smoky haze, through which the sun appears of
a dull red colour.  This wind in passing over the great desert of
Sahara acquires a very strong attraction for humidity, and parches
up everything exposed to its current.  It is, however, reckoned very
salutary, particularly to Europeans, who generally recover their
health during its continuance.  I experienced immediate relief from
sickness, both at Dr. Laidley's and at Kamalia, during the
harmattan.  Indeed, the air during the rainy season is so loaded
with moisture that clothes, shoes, trunks, and everything that is
not close to the fire becomes damp and mouldy, and the inhabitants
may be said to live in a sort of vapour-bath; but this dry wind
braces up the solids, which were before relaxed, gives a cheerful
flow of spirits, and is even pleasant to respiration.  Its ill
effects are, that it produces chaps in the lips, and afflicts many
of the natives with sore eyes.

Whenever the grass is sufficiently dry the negroes set it on fire;
but in Ludamar and other Moorish countries this practice is not
allowed, for it is upon the withered stubble that the Moors feed
their cattle until the return of the rains.  The burning the grass
in Manding exhibits a scene of terrific grandeur.  In the middle of
the night I could see the plains and mountains, as far as my eye
could reach, variegated with lines of fire, and the light, reflected
on the sky, made the heavens appear in a blaze.  In the daytime
pillars of smoke were seen in every direction, while the birds of
prey were observed hovering round the conflagration, and pouncing
down upon the snakes, lizards, and other reptiles which attempted to
escape from the flames.  This annual burning is soon followed by a
fresh and sweet verdure, and the country is thereby rendered more
healthful and pleasant.

Of the most remarkable and important of the vegetable productions
mention has already been made; and they are nearly the same in all
the districts through which I passed.  It is observable, however,
that although many species of the edible roots which grow in the
West India Islands are found in Africa, yet I never saw, in any part
of my journey, either the sugar-cane, the coffee, or the cocoa-tree,
nor could I learn, on inquiry, that they were known to the natives.
The pine-apple and the thousand other delicious fruits which the
industry of civilised man (improving the bounties of nature) has
brought to so great perfection in the tropical climates of America,
are here equally unknown.  I observed, indeed, a few orange and
banana trees near the month of the Gambia, but whether they were
indigenous, or were formerly planted there by some of the white
traders, I could not positively learn.  I suspect that they were
originally introduced by the Portuguese.

Concerning property in the soil, it appeared to me that the lands in
native woods were considered as belonging to the king, or (where the
government was not monarchical) to the state.  When any individual
of free condition had the means of cultivating more land than he
actually possessed, he applied to the chief man of the district, who
allowed him an extension of territory, on condition of forfeiture if
the lands were not brought into cultivation by a given period.  The
condition being fulfilled, the soil became vested in the possessor,
and, for ought that appeared to me, descended his heirs.

The population, however, considering the extent and fertility of the
soil, and the ease with which lands are obtained, is not very great
in the countries which I visited.  I found many extensive and
beautiful districts entirely destitute of inhabitants, and, in
general, the borders of the different kingdoms were either very
thinly peopled or entirely deserted.  Many places are likewise
unfavourable to population from being unhealthful.  The swampy banks
of the Gambia, the Senegal, and other rivers towards the coast, are
of this description.  Perhaps it is on this account chiefly that the
interior countries abound more with inhabitants than the maritime
districts; for all the negro nations that fell under my observation,
though divided into a number of petty independent states, subsist
chiefly by the same means, live nearly in the same temperature, and
possess a wonderful similarity of disposition.  The Mandingoes, in
particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful in their dispositions,
inquisitive, credulous, simple, and fond of flattery.  Perhaps the
most prominent defect in their character was that insurmountable
propensity, which the reader must have observed to prevail in all
classes of them, to steal from me the few effects I was possessed
of.  For this part of their conduct no complete justification can be
offered, because theft is a crime in their own estimation; and it
must be observed that they are not habitually and generally guilty
of it towards each other.

On the other hand, as some counterbalance to this depravity in their
nature, allowing it to be such, it is impossible for me to forget
the disinterested charity and tender solicitude with which many of
these poor heathens (from the sovereign of Sego to the poor women
who received me at different times into their cottages when I was
perishing of hunger) sympathised with me in my sufferings, relieved
my distresses, and contributed to my safety.  This acknowledgment,
however, is perhaps more particularly due to the female part of the
nation.  Among the men, as the reader must have seen, my reception,
though generally kind, was sometimes otherwise.  It varied according
to the various tempers of those to whom I made application.  The
hardness of avarice in some, and the blindness of bigotry in others,
had closed up the avenues to compassion; but I do not recollect a
single instance of hard-heartedness towards me in the women.  In all
my wanderings and wretchedness I found them uniformly kind and
compassionate; and I can truly say, as my predecessor Mr. Ledyard
has eloquently said before me, "To a woman I never addressed myself
in the language of decency and friendship without receiving a decent
and friendly answer.  If I was hungry or thirsty, wet or sick, they
did not hesitate, like the men, to perform a generous action.  In so
free and so kind a manner did they contribute to my relief, that if
I was dry, I drank the sweetest draught, and if hungry, I ate the
coarsest morsel with a double relish."

It is surely reasonable to suppose that the soft and amiable
sympathy of nature, which was thus spontaneously manifested towards
me in my distress, is displayed by these poor people, as occasion
requires, much more strongly towards persons of their own nation and
neighbourhood, and especially when the objects of their compassion
are endeared to them by the ties of consanguinity.  Accordingly the
maternal affection (neither suppressed by the restraints nor
diverted by the solicitudes of civilised life) is everywhere
conspicuous among them, and creates a correspondent return of
tenderness in the child.  An illustration of this has been already
given.  "Strike me," said my attendant, "but do not curse my
mother."  The same sentiment I found universally to prevail, and
observed in all parts of Africa that the greatest affront which
could be offered to a negro was to reflect on her who gave him
birth.

It is not strange that this sense of filial duty and affection among
the negroes should be less ardent towards the father than the
mother.  The system of polygamy, while it weakens the father's
attachment by dividing it among the children of different wives,
concentrates all the mother's jealous tenderness to one point--the
protection of her own offspring.  I perceived with great
satisfaction, too, that the maternal solicitude extended, not only
to the growth and security of the person, but also, in a certain
degree, to the improvement of the mind of the infant; for one of the
first lessons in which the Mandingo women instruct their children is
THE PRACTICE OF TRUTH.  The reader will probably recollect the case
of the unhappy mother whose son was murdered by the Moorish banditti
at Funingkedy.  Her only consolation in her uttermost distress was
the reflection that the poor boy, in the course of his blameless
life, HAD NEVER TOLD A LIE.  Such testimony from a fond mother on
such an occasion must have operated powerfully on the youthful part
of the surrounding spectators.  It was at once a tribute of praise
to the deceased and a lesson to the living.

The negro women suckle their children until they are able to walk of
themselves.  Three years' nursing is not uncommon, and during this
period the husband devotes his whole attention to his other wives.
To this practice it is owing, I presume, that the family of each
wife is seldom very numerous.  Few women have more than five or six
children.  As soon as an infant is able to walk it is permitted to
run about with great freedom.  The mother is not over solicitous to
preserve it from slight falls and other trifling accidents.  A
little practice soon enables a child to take care of itself, and
experience acts the part of a nurse.  As they advance in life the
girls are taught to spin cotton and to beat corn, and are instructed
in other domestic duties; and the boys are employed in the labours
of the field.  Both sexes, whether bushreens or kafirs, on attaining
the age of puberty, are circumcised.  This painful operation is not
considered by the kafirs so much in the light of a religious
ceremony as a matter of convenience and utility.  They have, indeed,
a superstitious notion that it contributes to render the marriage
state prolific.  The operation is performed upon several young
people at the same time, all of whom are exempted from every sort of
labour for two months afterwards.  During this period they form a
society called solimana.  They visit the towns and villages in the
neighbourhood, where they dance and sing, and are well treated by
the inhabitants.  I had frequently, in the course of my journey,
observed parties of this description, but they were all males.  I
had, however, an opportunity of seeing a female solimana at Kamalia.

In the course of this celebration it frequently happens that some of
the young women get married.  If a man takes a fancy to any one of
them, it is not considered as absolutely necessary that he should
make an overture to the girl herself.  The first object is to agree
with the parents concerning the recompense to be given them for the
loss of the company and services of their daughter.  The value of
two slaves is a common price, unless the girl is thought very
handsome, in which case the parents will raise their demand very
considerably.  If the lover is rich enough, and willing to give the
sum demanded, he then communicates his wishes to the damsel; but her
consent is by no means necessary to the match, for if the parents
agree to it and eat a few kolla-nuts, which are represented by the
suitor as an earnest of the bargain, the young lady must either have
the man of their choice or continue unmarried, for she cannot
afterwards be given to another.  If the parents should attempt it,
the lover is then authorised by the laws of the country to seize
upon the girl as his slave.  When the day for celebrating the
nuptials is fixed on, a select number of people are invited to be
present at the wedding--a bullock or goat is killed, and great
plenty of victuals is dressed for the occasion.  As soon as it is
dark the bride is conducted into a hut, where a company of matrons
assist in arranging the wedding-dress, which is always white cotton,
and is put on in such a manner as to conceal the bride from head to
foot.  Thus arrayed, she is seated upon a mat in the middle of the
floor, and the old women place themselves in a circle round her.
They then give her a series of instructions, and point out, with
great propriety, what ought to be her future conduct in life.  This
scene of instruction, however, is frequently interrupted by girls,
who amuse the company with songs and dances, which are rather more
remarkable for their gaiety than delicacy.  While the bride remains
within the hut with the women the bridegroom devotes his attention
to the guests of both sexes, who assemble without doors, and by
distributing among them small presents of kolla-nuts, and seeing
that every one partakes of the good cheer which is provided, he
contributes much to the general hilarity of the evening.  When
supper is ended, the company spend the remainder of the night in
singing and dancing, and seldom separate until daybreak.  About
midnight the bride is privately conducted by the women into the hut
which is to be her future residence, and the bridegroom, upon a
signal given, retires from his company.

The negroes, as hath been frequently observed, whether Mohammedan or
pagan, allow a plurality of wives.  The Mohammedans alone are by
their religion confined to four, and as the husband commonly pays a
great price for each, he requires from all of them the utmost
deference and submission, and treats them more like hired servants
than companions.  They have. however, the management of domestic
affairs, and each in rotation is mistress of the household, and has
the care of dressing the victuals, overlooking the female slaves,
etc.  But though the African husbands are possessed of great
authority over their wives I did not observe that in general they
treat them with cruelty, neither did I perceive that mean jealousy
in their dispositions which is so prevalent among the Moors.  They
permit their wives to partake of all public diversions, and this
indulgence is seldom abused, for though the negro women are very
cheerful and frank in their behaviour, they are by no means given to
intrigue--I believe that instances of conjugal infidelity are not
common.  When the wives quarrel among themselves--a circumstance
which, from the nature of their situation, must frequently happen--
the husband decides between them, and sometimes finds it necessary
to administer a little corporal chastisement before tranquillity can
be restored.  But if any one of the ladies complains to the chief of
the town that her husband has unjustly punished her, and shown an
undue partiality to some other of his wives, the affair is brought
to a public trial.  In these palavers, however, which are conducted
chiefly by married men, I was informed that the complaint of the
wife is not always considered in a very serious light, and the
complainant herself is sometimes convicted of strife and contention
and left without remedy.  If she murmurs at the decision of the
court the magic rod of Mumbo Jumbo soon puts an end to the business.

The children of the Mandingoes are not always named after their
relations, but frequently in consequence of some remarkable
occurrence.  Thus my landlord at Kamalia was called Karfa, a word
signifying to replace, because he was born shortly after the death
of one of his brothers.  Other names are descriptive of good or bad
qualities--as Modi, a good man; Fadibba, father of the town, etc
Indeed, the very names of their towns have something descriptive in
them, as Sibidooloo, the town of ciboa-trees; Kenneyeto, victuals
here; Dosita, lift your spoon.  Others appear to be given by way of
reproach--as Bammakoo, wash a crocodile; Karrankalla, no cup to
drink from, etc.  A child is named when it is seven or eight days
old.  The ceremony commences by shaving the infant's head; and a
dish culled dega, made of pounded corn and sour milk, is prepared
for the guests.  If the parents are rich, a sheep or goat is
commonly added.  The feast is called ding koon lee (the child's
head-shaving).  During my stay at Kamalia I was present at four
different feasts of this kind, and the ceremony was the same in
each, whether the child belonged to a bushreen or a kafir.  The
schoolmaster, who officiated as priest on those occasions, and who
is necessarily a bushreen, first said a long prayer over the dega,
during which every person present took hold of the brim of the
calabash with his right hand.  After this the schoolmaster took the
child in his arms and said a second prayer, in which he repeatedly
solicited the blessing of God upon the child and upon all the
company.  When this prayer was ended he whispered a few sentences in
the child's ear and spat three times in its face, after which he
pronounced its name aloud, and returned the infant to the mother.
{4}  This part of the ceremony being ended, the father of the child
divided the dega into a number of balls, one of which he distributed
to every person present; and inquiry was then made if any person in
the town was dangerously sick, it being usual in such cases to send
the party a large portion of the dega, which is thought to possess
great medical virtues.

Among the negroes every individual, besides his own proper name, has
likewise a kontong, or surname, to denote the family or clan to
which he belongs.  Some of these families are very numerous and
powerful.  It is impossible to enumerate the various kontongs which
are found in different parts of the country, though the knowledge of
many of them is of great service to the traveller; for as every
negro plumes himself upon the importance or the antiquity of his
clan, he is much flattered when he is addressed by his kontong.

Salutations among the negroes to each other when they meet are
always observed, but those in most general use among the kafirs are,
"Abbe haeretto," "'E ning seni," "Anawari," etc., all of which have
nearly the same meaning, and signify "Are you well?" or to that
effect.  There are likewise salutations which are used at different
times of the day, as "E ning somo" ("Good morning"), etc.  The
general answer to all salutations is to repeat the kontong of the
person who salutes, or else to repeat the salutation itself, first
pronouncing the word marhaba ("My friend").



CHAPTER XXI--RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND INDUSTRIES OF THE MANDINGOES



The Mandingoes and, I believe, the negroes in general, have no
artificial method of dividing time.  They calculate the years by the
number of rainy seasons.  They portion the year into moons, and
reckon the days by so many suns.  The day they divide into morning,
midday, and evening; and farther subdivide it, when necessary, by
pointing to the sun's place in the heavens.  I frequently inquired
of some of them what became of the sun during the night, and whether
we should see the same sun, or a different one, in the morning; but
I found that they considered the question as very childish.  The
subject appeared to them as placed beyond the reach of human
investigation--they had never indulged a conjecture, nor formed any
hypothesis, about the matter.  The moon, by varying her form, has
more attracted their attention.  On the first appearance of the new
moon, which they look upon to be newly created, the pagan natives,
as well as Mohammedans, say a short prayer; and this seems to be the
only visible adoration which the kafirs offer up to the Supreme
Being.  This prayer is pronounced in a whisper, the party holding up
his hands before his face:  its purport (as I have been assured by
many different people) is to return thanks to God for His kindness
through the existence of the past moon, and to solicit a
continuation of His favour during that of the new one.  At the
conclusion they spit upon their hands and rub them over their faces.
This seems to be nearly the same ceremony which prevailed among the
heathens in the days of Job. {5}

Great attention, however, is paid to the changes of this luminary in
its monthly course, and it is thought very unlucky to begin a
journey, or any other work of consequence, in the last quarter.  An
eclipse, whether of the sun or moon, is supposed to be effected by
witchcraft.  The stars are very little regarded; and the whole study
of astronomy appears to them as a useless pursuit, and attended to
by such persons only as deal in magic.

Their notions of geography are equally puerile.  They imagine that
the world is an extended plain, the termination of which no eye has
discovered--it being, they say, overhung with clouds and darkness.
They describe the sea as a large river of salt water, on the farther
shore of which is situated a country called Tobaubo doo (the land of
the white people).  At a distance from Tobaubo doo they describe
another country, which they allege as inhabited by cannibals of
gigantic size, called komi.  This country they call Jong sang doo
(the land where the slaves are sold).  But of all countries in the
world their own appears to them as the best, and their own people as
the happiest, and they pity the fate of other nations, who have been
placed by Providence in less fertile and less fortunate districts.

Some of the religious opinions of the negroes, though blended with
the weakest credulity and superstition, are not unworthy attention.
I have conversed with all ranks and conditions upon the subject of
their faith, and can pronounce, without the smallest shadow of
doubt, that the belief of one God and of a future state of reward
and punishment is entire and universal among them.  It is
remarkable, however, that except on the appearance of a new moon, as
before related, the pagan natives do not think it necessary to offer
up prayers and supplications to the Almighty.  They represent the
Deity, indeed, as the creator and preserver of all things, but in
general they consider Him as a being so remote and of so exalted a
nature that it is idle to imagine the feeble supplications of
wretched mortals can reverse the decrees and change the purposes of
unerring wisdom.  If they are asked for what reason then do they
offer up a prayer on the appearance of the new moon, the answer is,
that custom has made it necessary, they do it because their fathers
did it before them.  Such is the blindness of unassisted nature!
The concerns of this world, they believe, are committed by the
Almighty to the superintendence and direction of subordinate
spirits, over whom they suppose that certain magical ceremonies have
great influence.  A white fowl suspended to the branch of a
particular tree, a snake's head or a few handfuls of fruit are
offerings which ignorance and superstition frequently present, to
deprecate the wrath, or to conciliate the favour, of these tutelary
agents.  But it is not often that the negroes make their religious
opinions the subject of conversation; when interrogated in
particular concerning their ideas of a future state, they express
themselves with great reverence, but endeavour to shorten the
discussion by observing, "Mo o mo inta allo" ("No man knows anything
about it").  They are content, they say, to follow the precepts and
examples of their forefathers through the various vicissitudes of
life, and when this world presents no objects of enjoyment or of
comfort they seem to look with anxiety towards another, which they
believe will be better suited to their natures, but concerning which
they are far from indulging vain and delusive conjectures.

The Mandingoes seldom attain extreme old age.  At forty most of them
become grey-haired and covered with wrinkles, and but few of them
survive the age of fifty-five or sixty.  They calculate the years of
their lives, as I have already observed, by the number of rainy
seasons (there being but one such in the year), and distinguish each
year by a particular name, founded on some remarkable occurrence
which happened in that year.  Thus they say the year of the Farbanna
war--the year of the Kaarta war--the year on which Gadou was
plundered, etc., etc.; and I have no doubt that the year 1796 will
in many places be distinguished by the name of tobaubo tambi sang
(the year the white man passed), as such an occurrence would
naturally form an epoch in their traditional history.

But notwithstanding that longevity is uncommon among them, it
appeared to me that their diseases are but few in number.  Their
simple diet and active way of life preserve them from many of those
disorders which embitter the days of luxury and idleness.  Fevers
and fluxes are the most common and the most fatal.  For these they
generally apply saphies to different parts of the body, and perform
a great many other superstitious ceremonies--some of which are
indeed well calculated to inspire the patient with the hope of
recovery, and divert his mind from brooding over his own danger--but
I have sometimes observed among them a more systematic mode of
treatment.  On the first attack of a fever, when the patient
complains of cold, he is frequently placed in a sort of vapour-bath.
This is done by spreading branches of the nauclea orientalis upon
hot wood embers, and laying the patient upon them, wrapped up in a
large cotton cloth.  Water is then sprinkled upon the branches,
which, descending to the hot embers, soon covers the patient with a
cloud of vapour, in which he is allowed to remain until the embers
are almost extinguished.  This practice commonly produces a profuse
perspiration, and wonderfully relieves the sufferer.

For the dysentery they use the bark of different trees reduced to
powder and mixed with the patient's food; but this practice is in
general very unsuccessful.

The other diseases which prevail among the negroes are the yaws, the
elephantiasis, and a leprosy of the very worst kind.  This last-
mentioned complaint appears at the beginning in scurfy spots upon
different parts of the body, which finally settle upon the hands or
feet, where the skin becomes withered, and, cracks in many places.
At length the ends of the fingers swell and ulcerate, the discharge
is acrid and fetid, the nails drop off, and the bones of the fingers
become carious, and separate at the joints.  In this manner the
disease continues to spread, frequently until the patient loses all
his fingers and toes.  Even the hands and feet are sometimes
destroyed by this inveterate malady, to which the negroes give the
name of balla ou (incurable).

The guinea worm is likewise very common in certain places,
especially at the commencement of the rainy season.  The negroes
attribute this disease, which has been described by many writers, to
bad water, and allege that the people who drink from wells are more
subject to it than those who drink from streams.  To the same cause
they attribute the swelling of the glands of the neck (goitres),
which are very common in some parts of Bambarra.  I observed also,
in the interior countries, a few instances of simple gonorrhoea, but
never the confirmed lues.  On the whole, it appeared to me that the
negroes are better surgeons than physicians.  I found them very
successful in their management of fractures and dislocations, and
their splints and bandages are simple and easily removed.  The
patient is laid upon a soft mat, and the fractured limb is
frequently bathed with cold water.  All abscesses they open with the
actual cautery, and the dressings are composed of either soft
leaves, shea butter, or cow's dung, as the case seems in their
judgment to require.  Towards the coast, where a supply of European
lancets can be procured, they sometimes perform phlebotomy, and in
cases of local inflammation a curious sort of cupping is practised.
This operation is performed by making incisions in the part, and
applying to it a bullock's horn with a small hole in the end.  The
operator then takes a piece of bee's wax in his mouth, and, putting
his lips to the hole, extracts the air from the horn, and by a
dexterous use of his tongue stops up the hole with the wax.  This
method is found to answer the purpose, and in general produces a
plentiful discharge.

When a person of consequence dies, the relations and neighbours meet
together and manifest their sorrow by loud and dismal howlings.  A
bullock or goat is killed for such persons as come to assist at the
funeral, which generally takes place in the evening of the same day
on which the party died.  The negroes have no appropriate burial-
places, and frequently dig the grave in the floor of the deceased's
hut, or in the shade of a favourite tree.  The body is dressed in
white cotton, and wrapped up in a mat.  It is carried to the grave
in the dusk of the evening by the relations.  If the grave is
without the walls of the town a number of prickly bushes are laid
upon it to prevent the wolves from digging up the body; but I never
observed that any stone was placed over the grave as a monument or
memorial.

Of their music and dances some account has incidentally been given
in different parts of my journal.  On the first of these heads I
have now to add a list of their musical instruments, the principal
of which are--the koonting, a sort of guitar with three strings; the
korro, a large harp with eighteen strings; the simbing, a small harp
with seven strings; the balafou, an instrument composed of twenty
pieces of hard wood of different lengths, with the shells of gourds
hung underneath to increase the sound; the tangtang, a drum open at
the lower end; and, lastly, the tabala, a large drum, commonly used
to spread an alarm through the country.  Besides these, they make
use of small flutes, bow-strings, elephants' teeth and bells; and at
all their dances and concerts clapping of hands appears to
constitute a necessary part of the chorus.

With the love of music is naturally connected a taste for poetry;
and fortunately for the poets of Africa they are in a great measure
exempted from that neglect and indigence which in more polished
countries commonly attend the votaries of the Muses.  They consist
of two classes; the most numerous are the singing men, called jilli
kea, mentioned in a former part of my narrative.  One or more of
these may be found in every town.  They sing extempore songs in
honour of their chief men, or any other persons who are willing to
give "solid pudding for empty praise."  But a nobler part of their
office is to recite the historical events of their country; hence in
war they accompany the soldiers to the field, in order, by reciting
the great actions of their ancestors, to awaken in them a spirit of
glorious emulation.  The other class are devotees of the Mohammedan
faith, who travel about the country singing devout hymns and
performing religious ceremonies, to conciliate the favour of the
Almighty, either in averting calamity or insuring success to any
enterprise.  Both descriptions of these itinerant bards are much
employed and respected by the people, and very liberal contributions
are made for them.

The usual diet of the negroes is somewhat different in different
districts; in general the people of free condition breakfast about
daybreak upon gruel made of meal and water, with a little of the
fruit of the tamarind to give it an acid taste.  About two o'clock
in the afternoon a sort of hasty pudding, with a little shea butter,
is the common meal; but the supper constitutes the principal repast,
and is seldom ready before midnight.  This consists almost
universally of kouskous, with a small portion of animal food or shea
butter mixed with it.  In eating, the kafirs, as well as
Mohammedans, use the right hand only.

The beverages of the pagan negroes are beer and mead, of each of
which they frequently drink to excess.  The Mohammedan convert
drinks nothing but water.  The natives of all descriptions take
snuff and smoke tobacco; their pipes are made of wood, with an
earthen bowl of curious workmanship.  But in the interior countries
the greatest of all luxuries is salt.  It would appear strange to a
European to see a child suck a piece of rock salt as if it were
sugar.  This, however, I have frequently seen, although, in the
inland parts, the poorer class of inhabitants are so very rarely
indulged with this precious article that to say a man ate salt with
his victuals is the same as saying he is a very rich man.  I have
myself suffered great inconvenience from the scarcity of this
article.  The long use of vegetable food creates so painful a
longing for salt that no words can sufficiently describe it.

The negroes in general, and the Mandingoes in particular, are
considered by the whites on the coast as an indolent and inactive
people--I think without reason.  The nature of the climate is,
indeed, unfavourable to great exertion; but surely a people cannot
justly be denominated habitually indolent whose wants are supplied,
not by the spontaneous productions of nature, but by their own
exertions.  Few people work harder, when occasion requires, than the
Mandingoes; but not having many opportunities of turning to
advantage the superfluous produce of their labour, they are content
with cultivating as much ground only as is necessary for their own
support.  The labours of the field give them pretty full employment
during the rains; and in the dry season the people who live in the
vicinity of large rivers employ themselves in fishing.  The fish are
taken in wicker baskets or with small cotton nets, and are preserved
by being first dried in the sun and afterwards rubbed with shea
butter, to prevent them from contracting fresh moisture.  Others of
the natives employ themselves in hunting.  Their weapons are bows
and arrows; but the arrows in common use are not poisoned. {6}  They
are very dexterous marksmen, and will hit a lizard on a tree, or any
other small object, at an amazing distance.  They likewise kill
guinea-fowls, partridges, and pigeons, but never on the wing.  While
the men are occupied in these pursuits the women are very diligent
in manufacturing cotton cloth.  They prepare the cotton for spinning
by laying it in small quantities at a time upon a smooth stone or
piece of wood, and rolling the seeds out with a thick iron spindle;
and they spin it with the distaff.  The thread is not fine, but well
twisted, and makes a very durable cloth.  A woman with common
diligence will spin from six to nine garments of this cloth in one
year, which, according to its fineness, will sell for a minkalli and
a half or two minkallies each. {7}  The weaving is performed by the
men.  The loom is made exactly upon the same principle as that of
Europe, but so small and narrow that the web is seldom more than
four inches broad.  The shuttle is of the common construction, but
as the thread is coarse the chamber is somewhat larger than the
European.

The women dye this cloth of a rich and lasting blue colour by the
following simple process: --The leaves of the indigo, when fresh
gathered, are pounded in a wooden mortar, and mixed in a large
earthen jar with a strong ley of wood-ashes; chamber-ley is
sometimes added.  The cloth is steeped in this mixture, and allowed
to remain until it has acquired the proper shade.  In Kaarta and
Ludamar, where the indigo is not plentiful, they collect the leaves
and dry them in the sun; and when they wish to use them they reduce
a sufficient quantity to powder and mix it with the ley, as before
mentioned.  Either way the colour is very beautiful, with a fine
purple gloss, and equal in my opinion to the best Indian or European
blue.  This cloth is cut into various pieces and sewed into garments
with needles of the natives' own making.

As the arts of weaving, dyeing, sewing, etc., may easily be
acquired, those who exercise them are not considered in Africa as
following any particular profession, for almost every slave can
weave, and every boy can sew.  The only artists who are distinctly
acknowledged as such by the negroes, and who value themselves on
exercising appropriate and peculiar trades, are the manufacturers of
leather and of iron.  The first of these are called karrankea (or,
as the word is sometimes pronounced, gaungay).  They are to be found
in almost every town, and they frequently travel through the country
in the exercise of their calling.  They tan and dress leather with
very great expedition, by steeping the hide first in a mixture of
wood-ashes and water until it parts with the hair, and afterwards by
using the pounded leaves of a tree called goo as an astringent.
They are at great pains to render the hide as soft and pliant as
possible, by rubbing it frequently between their hands and beating
it upon a stone.  The hides of bullocks are converted chiefly into
sandals, and therefore require less care in dressing than the skins
of sheep and goats, which are used for covering quivers and saphies,
and in making sheaths for swords and knives, belts, pockets, and a
variety of ornaments.  These skins commonly are dyed of a red or
yellow colour--the red by means of millet stalks reduced to powder;
and the yellow by the root of a plant the name of which I have
forgotten.

The manufacturers in iron are not so numerous as the karrankeas, but
they appear to have studied their business with equal diligence.
The negroes on the coast being cheaply supplied with iron from the
European traders, never attempt the manufacturing of this article
themselves; but in the inland parts the natives smelt this useful
metal in such quantities not only to supply themselves from it with
all necessary weapons and instruments, but even to make it a article
of commerce with some of the neighbouring states.  During my stay at
Kamalia there was a smelting furnace at a short distance from the
hut where I lodged, and the owner and his workmen made no secret
about the manner of conducting the operation, and readily allowed me
to examine the furnace, and assist them in breaking the ironstone.
The furnace was a circular tower of clay, about ten feet high and
three feet in diameter, surrounded in two places with withes, to
prevent the clay from cracking and falling to pieces by the violence
of the heat.  Round the lower part, on a level with the ground--but
not so low as the bottom of the furnace, which was somewhat concave-
-were made seven openings, into every one of which were placed three
tubes of clay, and the openings again plastered up in such a manner
that no air could enter the furnace but through the tubes, by the
opening and shutting of which they regulated the fire.  These tubes
were formed by plastering a mixture of clay and grass round a smooth
roller of wood, which, as soon as the clay began to harden, was
withdrawn, and the tube left to dry in the sun.  The ironstone which
I saw was very heavy, of a dull red colour with greyish specks; it
was broken into pieces about the size of a hen's egg.  A bundle of
dry wood was first put into the furnace, and covered with a
considerable quantity of charcoal, which was brought, ready burnt,
from the woods.  Over this was laid a stratum of ironstone, and then
another of charcoal, and so on, until the furnace was quite full.
The fire was applied through one of the tubes, and blown for some
time with bellows made of goats' skins.  The operation went on very
slowly at first, and it was some hours before the flame appeared
above the furnace; but after this it burnt with great violence all
the first night, and the people who attended put in at times more
charcoal.  On the day following the fire was not so fierce, and on
the second night some of the tubes were withdrawn and the air
allowed to have freer access to the furnace; but the heat was still
very great, and a bluish flame rose some feet above the top of the
furnace.  On the third day from the commencement of the operation,
all the tubes were taken out, the ends of many of them being
vitrified with the heat; but the metal was not removed until some
days afterwards, when the whole was perfectly cool.  Part of the
furnace was then taken down, and the iron appeared in the form of a
large irregular mass, with pieces of charcoal adhering to it.  It
was sonorous; and when any portion was broken off, the fracture
exhibited a granulated appearance, like broken steel.  The owner
informed me that many parts of this cake were useless, but still
there was good iron enough to repay him for his trouble.  This iron,
or rather steel, is formed into various instruments by being
repeatedly heated in a forge, the heat of which is urged by a pair
of double bellows of a very simple construction, being made of two
goats' skins the tubes from which unite before they enter the forge,
and supply a constant and very regular blast.  The hammer, forceps,
and anvil are all very simple, and the workmanship (particularly in
the formation of knives and spears) is not destitute of merit.  The
iron, indeed, is hard and brittle, and requires much labour before
it can be made to answer the purpose.

Such is the chief information I obtained concerning the present
state of arts and manufactures in those regions of Africa which I
explored in my journey.  I might add, though it is scarce worthy
observation, that in Bambarra and Kaarta the natives make very
beautiful baskets, hats, and other articles, both for use and
ornament, from rushes, which they stain of different colours; and
they contrive also to cover their calabashes with interwoven cane,
dyed in the same manner.



CHAPTER XXII--WAR AND SLAVERY



A state of subordination and certain inequalities of rank and
condition are inevitable in every stage of civil society; but when
the subordination is carried to so great a length that the persons
and services of one part of the community are entirely at the
disposal of another part, it may then be denominated a state of
slavery, and in this condition of life a great body of the negro
inhabitants of Africa have continued from the most early period of
their history, with this aggravation, that their children are born
to no other inheritance.

The slaves in Africa, I suppose, are nearly in the proportion of
three to one to the freemen.  They claim no reward for their
services except food and clothing, and are treated with kindness or
severity, according to the good or bad disposition of their masters.
Custom, however, has established certain rules with regard to the
treatment of slaves, which it is thought dishonourable to violate.
Thus the domestic slaves, or such as are born in a man's own house,
are treated with more lenity than those which are purchased with
money.  The authority of the master over the domestic slave, as I
have elsewhere observed, extends only to reasonable correction; for
the master cannot sell his domestic, without having first brought
him to a public trial before the chief men of the place.  But these
restrictions on the power of the master extend not to the care of
prisoners taken in war, nor to that of slaves purchased with money.
All these unfortunate beings are considered as strangers and
foreigners, who have no right to the protection of the law, and may
be treated with severity, or sold to a stranger, according to the
pleasure of their owners.  There are, indeed, regular markets, where
slaves of this description are bought and sold, and the value of a
slave, in the eye of an African purchaser, increases in proportion
to his distance from his native kingdom:  for when slaves are only a
few days' journey from the place of their nativity they frequently
effect their escape; but when one or more kingdoms intervene, escape
being more difficult, they are more readily reconciled to their
situation.  On this account the unhappy slave is frequently
transferred from one dealer to another, until he has lost all hopes
of returning to his native kingdom.  The slaves which are purchased
by the Europeans on the coast are chiefly of this description.  A
few of them are collected in the petty wars, hereafter to be
described, which take place near the coast, but by far the greater
number are brought down in large caravans from the inland countries,
of which many are unknown, even by name, to the Europeans.  The
slaves which are thus brought from the interior may be divided into
two distinct classes--first, such as were slaves from their birth,
having been born of enslaved mothers; secondly, such as were born
free, but who afterwards, by whatever means, became slaves.  Those
of the first description are by far the most numerous, for prisoners
taken in war (at least such as are taken in open and declared war,
when one kingdom avows hostilities against another) are generally of
this description.  The comparatively small proportion of free people
to the enslaved throughout Africa has already been noticed:  and it
must be observed that men of free condition have many advantages
over the slaves, even in war time.  They are in general better
armed, and well mounted, and can either fight or escape with some
hopes of success; but the slaves, who have only their spears and
bows, and of whom great numbers are loaded with baggage, become an
easy prey.  Thus when Mansong, king of Bambarra, made war upon
Kaarta (as I have related in a former chapter), he took in one day
nine hundred prisoners, of which number not more than seventy were
freemen.  This account I received from Daman Jumma, who had thirty
slaves at Kemmoo, all of whom were made prisoners by Mansong.
Again, when a freeman is taken prisoner his friends will sometimes
ransom him by giving two slaves in exchange; but when a slave is
taken, he has no hopes of such redemption.  To these disadvantages,
it is to be added that the slatees, who purchase slaves in the
interior countries and carry them down to the coast for sale,
constantly prefer such as have been in that condition of life from
their infancy, well knowing that these have been accustomed to
hunger and fatigue, and are better able to sustain the hardships of
a long and painful journey than freemen; and on their reaching the
coast, if no opportunity offers of selling them to advantage, they
can easily be made to maintain themselves by their labour; neither
are they so apt to attempt making their escape as those who have
once tasted the blessings of freedom.

Slaves of the second description generally become such by one or
other of the following causes:- 1, captivity; 2, famine; 3,
insolvency; 4, crimes.  A freeman may, by the established customs of
Africa, become a slave by being taken in war.  War is of all others
the most productive source, and was probably the origin, of slavery;
for when one nation had taken from another a greater number of
captives than could be exchanged on equal terms, it is natural to
suppose that the conquerors, finding it inconvenient to maintain
their prisoners, would compel them to labour--at first, perhaps,
only for their own support, but afterwards to support their masters.
Be this as it may, it is a known fact that prisoners of war in
Africa are the slaves of the conquerors; and when the weak or
unsuccessful warrior begs for mercy beneath the uplifted spear of
his opponent, he gives up at the same time his claim to liberty, and
purchases his life at the expense of his freedom.

In a country divided into a thousand petty states, mostly
independent and jealous of each other, where every freeman is
accustomed to arms and fond of military achievements, where the
youth, who has practised the bow and spear from his infancy, longs
for nothing so much as an opportunity to display his valour, it is
natural to imagine that wars frequently originate from very
frivolous provocation.  When one nation is more powerful than
another, pretext is seldom wanting for commencing hostilities.  Thus
the war between Kajaaga and Kasson was occasioned by the detention
of a fugitive slave; that between Bambarra and Kaarta by the loss of
a few cattle.  Other cases of the same nature perpetually occur in
which the folly or mad ambition of their princes and the zeal of
their religious enthusiasts give full employment to the scythe of
desolation.

The wars of Africa are of two kinds, which are distinguished by
different appellations; that species which bears the greatest
resemblance to our European contests is denominated killi, a word
signifying "to call out," because such wars are openly avowed and
previously declared.  Wars of this description in Africa commonly
terminate, however, in the course of a single campaign.  A battle is
fought--the vanquished seldom think of rallying again--the whole
inhabitants become panic-struck, and the conquerors have only to
bind the slaves and carry off their plunder and their victims.  Such
of the prisoners as, through age or infirmity, are unable to endure
fatigue, or are found unfit for sale, are considered as useless,
and, I have no doubt, are frequently put to death.  The same fate
commonly awaits a chief or any other person who has taken a very
distinguished part in the war.  And here it may be observed that,
notwithstanding this exterminating system, it is surprising to
behold how soon an African town is rebuilt and repeopled.  The
circumstance arises probably from this:  that their pitched battles
are few--the weakest know their own situation, and seek safety in
flight.  When their country has been desolated, and their ruined
towns and villages deserted by the enemy, such of the inhabitants as
have escaped the SWORD and the CHAIN generally return, though with
cautious steps, to the place of their nativity--for it seems to be
the universal wish of mankind to spend the evening of their days
where they passed their infancy.  The poor negro feels this desire
in its full force.  To him no water is sweet but what is drawn from
his own well, and no tree has so cool and pleasant a shade as the
tabba tree {8} of his native village.  When war compels him to
abandon the delightful spot in which he first drew his breath, and
seek for safety in some other kingdom, his time is spent in talking
about the country of his ancestors; and no sooner is peace restored
than he turns his back upon the land of strangers, rebuilds with
haste his fallen walls, and exults to see the smoke ascend from his
native village.

The other species of African warfare is distinguished by the
appellation of tegria (plundering, or stealing).  It arises from a
sort of hereditary feud which the inhabitants of one nation or
district bear towards another.  No immediate cause of hostility is
assigned, or notice of attack given, but the inhabitants of each
watch every opportunity to plunder and distress the objects of their
animosity by predatory excursions.  These are very common,
particularly about the beginning of the dry season, when the labour
of the harvest is over and provisions are plentiful.  Schemes of
vengeance are then meditated.  The chief man surveys the number and
activity of his vassals as they brandish their spears at festivals,
and, elated with his own importance, turns his whole thoughts
towards revenging some depredation or insult which either he or his
ancestors may have received from a neighbouring state.

Wars of this description are generally conducted with great secrecy.
A few resolute individuals, headed by some person of enterprise and
courage, march quietly through the woods, surprise in the night some
unprotected village, and carry off the inhabitants and their effects
before their neighbours can come to their assistance.  One morning
during my stay at Kamalia we were all much alarmed by a party of
this kind.  The king of Fooladoo's son, with five hundred horsemen,
passed secretly through the woods a little to the southward of
Kamalia, and on the morning following plundered three towns
belonging to Madigai, a powerful chief in Jallonkadoo.

The success of this expedition encouraged the governor of Bangassi,
a town in Fooladoo, to make a second inroad upon another part of the
same country.  Having assembled about two hundred of his people, he
passed the river Kokoro in the night, and carried off a great number
of prisoners.  Several of the inhabitants who had escaped these
attacks were afterwards seized by the Mandingoes as they wandered
about in the woods or concealed themselves in the glens and strong
places of the mountains.

These plundering excursions always produced speedy retaliation:  and
when large parties cannot be collected for this purpose, a few
friends will combine together and advance into the enemy's country,
with a view to plunder or carry off the inhabitants.  A single
individual has been known to take his bow and quiver and proceed in
like manner.  Such an attempt is doubtless in him an act of
rashness; but when it is considered that in one of these predatory
wars he has probably been deprived of his child or his nearest
relation, his situation will rather call for pity than censure.  The
poor sufferer, urged on by the feelings of domestic or paternal
attachment and the ardour of revenge, conceals himself among the
bushes until some young or unarmed person passes by.  He then,
tiger-like, springs upon his prey, drags his victim into the
thicket, and in the night carries him off as a slave.

When a negro has, by means like these, once fallen into the hands of
his enemies, he is either retained as the slave of his conqueror, or
bartered into a distant kingdom; for an African, when he has once
subdued his enemy, will seldom give him an opportunity of lifting up
his hand against him at a future period.  A conqueror commonly
disposes of his captives according to the rank which they held in
their native kingdom.  Such of the domestic slaves as appear to be
of a mild disposition, and particularly the young women, are
retained as his own slaves.  Others that display marks of discontent
are disposed of in a distant country; and such of the freemen or
slaves as have taken an active part in the war are either sold to
the slatees or put to death.  War, therefore, is certainly the most
general and most productive source of slavery, and the desolations
of war often (but not always) produce the second cause of slavery,
FAMINE; in which case a freeman becomes a slave to avoid a greater
calamity.

Perhaps, by a philosophic and reflecting mind, death itself would
scarcely be considered as a greater calamity than slavery; but the
poor negro, when fainting with hunger, thinks like Esau of old,
"Behold, I am at the point to die, and what profit shall this
birthright do to me?"  There are many instances of freemen
voluntarily surrendering up their liberty to save their lives.
During a great scarcity, which lasted for three years, in the
countries of the Gambia, great numbers of people became slaves in
this manner.  Dr. Laidley assured me that at that time many freemen
came and begged, with great earnestness, TO BE PUT UPON HIS SLAVE-
CHAIN, to save them from perishing of hunger.  Large families are
very often exposed to absolute want; and as the parents have almost
unlimited authority over their children, it frequently happens, in
all parts of Africa, that some of the latter are sold to purchase
provisions for the rest of the family.  When I was at Jarra, Daman
Jumma pointed out to me three young slaves whom he had purchased in
this manner.  I have already related another instance which I saw at
Wonda; and I was informed that in Fooladoo, at that time, it was a
very common practice.

The third cause of slavery is INSOLVENCY.  Of all the offences (if
insolvency may be so called) to which the laws of Africa have
affixed the punishment of slavery, this is the most common.  A negro
trader commonly contracts debts on some mercantile speculation,
either from his neighbours, to purchase such articles as will sell
to advantage in a distant market, or from the European traders on
the coast--payment to be made in a given time.  In both cases the
situation of the adventurer is exactly the same.  If he succeeds, he
may secure an independency:  if he is unsuccessful, his person and
services are at the disposal of another; for in Africa, not only the
effects of the insolvent, but even the insolvent himself, is sold to
satisfy the lawful demands of his creditors. {9}

The fourth cause above enumerated is, THE COMMISSION OF CRIMES ON
WHICH THE LAWS OF THE COUNTRY AFFIX SLAVERY AS A PUNISHMENT.  In
Africa the only offences of this class are murder, adultery, and
witchcraft, and I am happy to say that they did not appear to me to
be common.  In cases of murder, I was informed that the nearest
relation of the deceased had it in his power, after conviction,
either to kill the offender with his own hand or sell him into
slavery.  When adultery occurs, it is generally left to the option
of the person injured either to sell the culprit or accept such a
ransom for him as he may think equivalent to the injury he has
sustained.  By witchcraft is meant pretended magic, by which the
lives or healths of persons are affected; in other words, it is the
administering of poison.  No trial for this offence, however, came
under my observation while I was in Africa, and I therefore suppose
that the crime and its punishment occur but very seldom.

When a freeman has become a slave by any one of the causes before
mentioned, he generally continues so for life, and his children (if
they are born of an enslaved mother) are brought up in the same
state of servitude.  There are, however, a few instances of slaves
obtaining their freedom, and sometimes even with the consent of
their masters, as by performing some singular piece of service, or
by going to battle and bringing home two slaves as a ransom; but the
common way of regaining freedom is by escape, and when slaves have
once set their minds on running away they often succeed.  Some of
them will wait for years before an opportunity presents itself, and
during that period show no signs of discontent.  In general, it may
be remarked that slaves who come from a hilly country and have been
much accustomed to hunting and travel, are more apt to attempt to
make their escape than such as are born in a flat country and have
been employed in cultivating the land.

Such are the general outlines of that system of slavery which
prevails in Africa, and it is evident, from its nature and extent,
that it is a system of no modern date.  It probably had its origin
in the remote ages of antiquity, before the Mohammedans explored a
path across the desert.  How far it is maintained and supported by
the slave traffic which for two hundred years the nations of Europe
have carried on with the natives of the coast, it is neither within
my province nor in my power to explain.  If my sentiments should be
required concerning the effect which a discontinuance of that
commerce would produce on the manners of the natives, I should have
no hesitation in observing that, in the present unenlightened state
of their minds, my opinion is, the effect would neither be so
extensive nor beneficial as many wise and worthy persons fondly
expect.



CHAPTER XXIII--GOLD AND IVORY



Those valuable commodities, gold and ivory (the next objects of our
inquiry), have probably been found in Africa from the first ages of
the world.  They are reckoned among its most important productions
in the earliest records of its history.

It has been observed that gold is seldom or never discovered except
in mountainous and barren countries--nature, it is said, thus making
amends in one way for her penuriousness in the other.  This,
however, is not wholly true.  Gold is found in considerable
quantities throughout every part of Manding, a country which is
indeed hilly, but cannot properly be called mountainous, much less
barren.  It is also found in great plenty in Jallonkadoo
(particularly about Boori), another hilly, but by no means an
unfertile, country.  It is remarkable that in the place last
mentioned (Boori), which is situated about four days' journey to the
south-west of Kamalia, the salt market is often supplied at the same
time with rock-salt from the Great Desert and sea-salt from the Rio
Grande; the price of each, at this distance from its source, being
nearly the same.  And the dealers in each, whether Moors from the
north or negroes from the west, are invited thither by the same
motives--that of bartering their salt for gold.

The gold of Manding, so far as I could learn, is never found in any
matrix or vein, but always in small grains nearly in a pure state,
from the size of a pin's head to that of a pea, scattered through a
large body of sand or clay, and in this state it is called by the
Mandingoes sanoo munko (gold powder).  It is, however, extremely
probable, by what I could learn of the situation of the ground, that
most of it has originally been washed down by repeated torrents from
the neighbouring hills.  The manner in which it is collected is
nearly as follows:-

About the beginning of December, when the harvest is over and the
streams and torrents have greatly subsided, the mansa or chief of
the town appoints a day to begin sanoo koo (gold-washing), and the
women are sure to have themselves in readiness by the time
appointed.  A hoe or spade for digging up the sand, two or three
calabashes for washing it in, and a few quills for containing the
gold dust, are all the implements necessary for the purpose.  On the
morning of their departure a bullock is killed for the first day's
entertainment, and a number of prayers and charms are used to insure
success, for a failure on that day is thought a bad omen.

The mansa of Kamalia, with fourteen of his people, were, I remember,
so much disappointed in their first day's washing that very few of
them had resolution to persevere, and the few that did had but very
indifferent success:  which indeed is not much to be wondered at,
for instead of opening some untried place they continued to dig and
wash in the same spot where they had dug and washed for years, and
where, of course, but few large grains could be left.

The washing of the sands of the streams is by far the easiest way of
obtaining the gold dust; but in most places the sands have been so
narrowly searched before, that unless the stream takes some new
course the gold is found but in small quantities.  While some of the
party are busied in washing the sands, others employ themselves
farther up the torrent, where the rapidity of the stream has carried
away all the clay, sand, etc., and left nothing but small pebbles.
The search among these is a very troublesome task.  I have seen
women who have had the skin worn off the tops of their fingers in
this employment.  Sometimes, however, they are rewarded by finding
pieces of gold, which they call sanoo birro (gold stones), that
amply repay them for their trouble.  A woman and her daughter,
inhabitants of Kamalia, found in one day two pieces of this kind;
one of five drachms and the other of three drachms weight.  But the
most certain and profitable mode of washing is practised in the
height of the dry season, by digging a deep pit, like a draw-well,
near some hill which has previously been discovered to contain gold.
The pit is dug with small spades or corn-hoes, and the earth is
drawn up in large calabashes.  As the negroes dig through the
different strata of clay or sand, a calabash or two of each is
washed by way of experiment; and in this manner the labourers
proceed, until they come to a stratum containing gold, or until they
are obstructed by rocks, or inundated by water.  In general, when
they come to a stratum of fine reddish sand, with small black specks
therein, they find gold in some proportion or other, and send up
large calabashes full of the sand for the women to wash; for though
the pit is dug by the men, the gold is always washed by the women,
who are accustomed from their infancy to a similar operation in
separating the husks of corn from the meal.

As I never descended into any one of these pits, I cannot say in
what manner they are worked underground.  Indeed, the situation in
which I was placed made it necessary for me to be cautious not to
incur the suspicion of the natives by examining too far into the
riches of their country; but the manner of separating the gold from
the sand is very simple, and is frequently performed by the women in
the middle of the town; for when the searchers return, from the
valleys in the evening, they commonly bring with them each a
calabash or two of sand, to be washed by such of the females as
remain at home.  The operation is simply as follows:-

A portion of sand or clay (for the gold is sometimes found in a
brown-coloured clay) is put into a large calabash and mixed with a
sufficient quantity of water.  The woman whose office it is, then
shakes the calabash in such a manner as to mix the sand and water
together, and give the whole a rotatory motion--at first gently, but
afterwards more quickly, until a small portion of sand and water, at
every revolution, flies over the brim of the calabash.  The sand
thus separated is only the coarsest particles mixed with a little
muddy water.  After the operation has been continued for some time,
the sand is allowed to subside, and the water poured off; a portion
of coarse sand, which is now uppermost in the calabash, is removed
by the hand, and, fresh water being added, the operation is repeated
until the water comes off almost pure.  The woman now takes a second
calabash, and shakes the sand and water gently from the one to the
other, reserving that portion of sand which is next the bottom of
the calabash, and which is most likely to contain the gold.  This
small quantity is mixed with some pure water, and, being moved about
in the calabash, is carefully examined.  If a few particles of gold
are picked out, the contents of the other calabash are examined in
the same manner, but in general the party is well contented if she
can obtain three or four grains from the contents of both
calabashes.  Some women, however, by long practice, become so well
acquainted with the nature of the sand, and the mode of washing it,
that they will collect gold where others cannot find a single
particle.  The gold dust is kept in quills stopped up with cotton;
and the washers are fond of displaying a number of these quills in
their hair.  Generally speaking, if a person uses common diligence
in a proper soil, it is supposed that as much gold may be collected
by him in the course of the dry season as is equal to the value of
two slaves.

Thus simple is the process by which the negroes obtain gold in
Manding; and it is evident from this account that the country
contains a considerable portion of this precious metal, for many of
the smaller particles must necessarily escape the observation of the
naked eye; and as the natives generally search the sands of streams
at a considerable distance from the hills, and consequently far
removed from the mines where the gold was originally produced, the
labourers are sometimes but ill-paid for their trouble.  Minute
particles only of this heavy metal can be carried by the current to
any considerable distance; the larger must remain deposited near the
original source from whence they came.  Were the gold-bearing
streams to be traced to their fountains, and the hills from whence
they spring properly examined, the sand in which the gold is there
deposited would no doubt be found to contain particles of a much
larger size; and even the small grains might be collected to
considerable advantage by the use of quicksilver and other
improvements, with which the natives are at present unacquainted.

Part of this gold is converted into ornaments for the women, but in
general these ornaments are more to be admired for their weight than
their workmanship.  They are massy and inconvenient, particularly
the earrings, which are commonly so heavy as to pull down and
lacerate the lobe of the ear; to avoid which, they are supported by
a thong of red leather, which passes over the crown of the head from
one ear to the other.  The necklace displays greater fancy, and the
proper arrangement of the different beads and plates of gold is the
great criterion of taste and elegance.  When a lady of consequence
is in full dress, her gold ornaments may be worth altogether from
fifty to eighty pounds sterling.

A small quantity of gold is likewise employed by the slatees in
defraying the expenses of their journeys to and from the coast, but
by far the greater proportion is annually carried away by the Moors
in exchange for salt and other merchandise.  During my stay at
Kamalia, the gold collected by the different traders at that place
for salt alone was nearly equal to one hundred and ninety-eight
pounds sterling; and as Kamalia is but a small town, and not much
resorted to by the trading Moors, this quantity must have borne a
very small proportion to the gold collected at Kancaba, Kankaree,
and some other large towns.  The value of salt in this part of
Africa is very great.  One slab, about two feet and a half in
length, fourteen inches in breadth, and two inches in thickness,
will sometimes sell for about two pounds ten shillings sterling; and
from one pound fifteen shillings to two pounds may be considered as
the common price.  Four of these slabs are considered as a load for
an ass, and six for a bullock.  The value of European merchandise in
Manding varies very much according to the supply from the coast, or
the dread of war in the country; but the return for such articles is
commonly made in slaves.  The price of a prime slave, when I was at
Kamalia, was from twelve to nine minkallies, and European
commodities had then nearly the following value:-


18 gun-flints,
48 leaves of tobacco,        } one
20 charges of gunpowder,     } minkalli.
A cutlass,                   }
A musket, from three to four minkallies.


The produce of the country and the different necessaries of life,
when exchanged for gold, sold as follows:-

Common provisions for one day, the weight of one teeleekissi (a
black bean, six of which make the weight of one minkalli); a
chicken, one teeleekissi; a sheep, three teeleekissi; a bullock, one
minkalli; a horse, from ten to seventeen minkallies.

The negroes weigh the gold in small balances, which they always
carry about them.  They make no difference, in point of value,
between gold dust and wrought gold.  In bartering one article for
another, the person who receives the gold always weighs it with his
own teeleekissi.  These beans are sometimes fraudulently soaked in
shea-butter to make them heavy, and I once saw a pebble ground
exactly into the form of one of them; but such practices are not
very common.

Having now related the substance of what occurs to my recollection
concerning the African mode of obtaining gold from the earth, and
its value in barter, I proceed to the next article of which I
proposed to treat--namely, ivory.

Nothing creates a greater surprise among the negroes on the sea-
coast than the eagerness displayed by the European traders to
procure elephants' teeth, it being exceedingly difficult to make
them comprehend to what use it is applied.  Although they are shown
knives with ivory handles, combs and toys of the same material, and
are convinced that the ivory thus manufactured was originally parts
of a tooth, they are not satisfied.  They suspect that this
commodity is more frequently converted in Europe to purposes of far
greater importance, the true nature of which is studiously concealed
from them, lest the price of ivory should be enhanced.  They cannot,
they say, easily persuade themselves that ships would be built and
voyages undertaken to procure an article which had no other value
than that of furnishing handles to knives, etc., when pieces of wood
would answer the purpose equally well.

Elephants are very numerous in the interior of Africa, but they
appear to be a distinct species from those found in Asia.
Blumenbach, in his figures of objects of natural history, has given
good drawings of a grinder of each, and the variation is evident.
M. Cuvier also has given in the Magasin Encyclopedique a clear
account of the difference between them.  As I never examined the
Asiatic elephant, I have chosen rather to refer to those writers
than advance this as an opinion of my own.  It has been said that
the African elephant is of a less docile nature than the Asiatic,
and incapable of being tamed.  The negroes certainly do not at
present tame them; but when we consider that the Carthaginians had
always tame elephants in their armies, and actually transported some
of them to Italy in the course of the Punic wars, it seems more
likely that they should have possessed the art of taming their own
elephants than have submitted to the expense of bringing such vast
animals from Asia.  Perhaps the barbarous practice of hunting the
African elephants for the sake of their teeth has rendered them more
untractable and savage than they were found to be in former times.

The greater part of the ivory which is sold on the Gambia and
Senegal rivers is brought from the interior country.  The lands
towards the coast are too swampy and too much intersected with
creeks and rivers for so bulky an animal as the elephant to travel
through without being discovered; and when once the natives discern
the marks of his feet in the earth, the whole village is up in arms.
The thoughts of feasting on his flesh, making sandals of his hide,
and selling the teeth to the Europeans, inspire every one with
courage, and the animal seldom escapes from his pursuers; but in the
plains of Bambarra and Kaarta, and the extensive wilds of
Jallonkadoo, the elephants are very numerous, and, from the great
scarcity of gunpowder in those districts, they are less annoyed by
the natives.

Scattered teeth are frequently picked up in the woods, and
travellers are very diligent in looking for them.  It is a common
practice with the elephant to thrust his teeth under the roots of
such shrubs and bushes as grow in the more dry and elevated parts of
the country, where the soil is shallow.  These bushes he easily
overturns, and feeds on the roots, which are in general more tender
and juicy than the hard, woody branches or the foliage; but when the
teeth are partly decayed by age, and the roots more firmly fixed,
the great exertions of the animal in this practice frequently cause
them to break short.  At Kamalia I saw two teeth, one a very large
one, which were found in the woods, and which were evidently broken
off in this manner.  Indeed, it is difficult otherwise to account
for such a large proportion of broken ivory as is daily offered for
sale at the different factories, for when the elephant is killed in
hunting, unless he dashes himself over a precipice, the teeth are
always extracted entire.

There are certain seasons of the year when the elephants collect
into large herds, and traverse the country in quest of food or
water; and as all that part of the country to the north of the Niger
is destitute of rivers, whenever the pools in the woods are dried up
the elephants approach towards the banks of that river.  Here they
continue until the commencement of the rainy season, in the months
of June or July, and during this time they are much hunted by such
of the Bambarrans as have gunpowder to spare.  The elephant-hunters
seldom go out singly--a party of four or five join together, and
having each furnished himself with powder and ball, and a quantity
of corn-meal in a leather bag sufficient for five or six days'
provision, they enter the most unfrequented parts of the wood, and
examine with great care everything that can lead to the discovery of
the elephants.  In this pursuit, notwithstanding the bulk of the
animal, very great nicety of observation is required.  The broken
branches, the scattered dung of the animal, and the marks of his
feet are carefully inspected; and many of the hunters have, by long
experience and attentive observation, become so expert in their
search that as soon as they observe the foot-marks of an elephant
they will tell almost to a certainty at what time it passed and at
what distance it will be found.

When they discover a herd of elephants, they follow them at a
distance, until they perceive some one stray from the rest and come
into such a situation as to be fired at with advantage.  The hunters
then approach with great caution, creeping amongst the long grass,
until they have got near enough to be sure of their aim.  They then
discharge all their pieces at once, and throw themselves on their
faces among the grass; the wounded elephant immediately applies his
trunk to the different wounds, but being unable to extract the
balls, and seeing nobody near him, he becomes quite furious and runs
about amongst the bushes until by fatigue and loss of blood he has
exhausted himself, and affords the hunters an opportunity of firing
a second time at him, by which he is generally brought to the
ground.

The skin is now taken off, and extended on the ground with pegs to
dry; and such parts of the flesh as are most esteemed are cut up
into thin slices, and dried in the sun, to serve for provisions on
some future occasion.  The teeth are struck out with a light hatchet
which the hunters always carry along with them, not only for that
purpose, but also to enable them to cut down such trees as contain
honey; for though they carry with them only five or six days'
provisions, they will remain in the woods for months if they are
successful, and support themselves upon the flesh of such elephants
as they kill and wild honey.

The ivory thus collected is seldom brought down to the coast by the
hunters themselves.  They dispose of it to the itinerant merchants
who come annually from the coast with arms and ammunition to
purchase this valuable commodity.  Some of these merchants will
collect ivory in the course of one season sufficient to load four or
five asses.  A great quantity of ivory is likewise brought from the
interior by the slave coffles; there are, however, some slatees of
the Mohammedan persuasion who, from motives of religion, will not
deal in ivory, nor eat of the flesh of the elephant, unless it has
been killed with a spear.

The quantity of ivory collected in this part of Africa is not so
great, nor are the teeth in general so large, as in the countries
nearer the Line:  few of them weigh more than eighty or one hundred
pounds, and upon an average a bar of European merchandise may be
reckoned as the price of a pound of ivory.

I have now, I trust, in this and the preceding chapters explained
with sufficient minuteness the nature and extent of the commercial
connection which at present prevails, and has long subsisted,
between the negro natives of those parts of Africa which I visited
and the nations of Europe; and it appears that slaves, gold, and
ivory, together with the few articles enumerated in the beginning of
my work--viz., bees' wax and honey, hides, gums, and dye-woods--
constitute the whole catalogue of exportable commodities.  Other
productions, however, have been incidentally noticed as the growth
of Africa, such as grain of different kinds, tobacco, indigo,
cotton-wool and perhaps a few others; but of all these (which can
only be obtained by cultivation and labour) the natives raise
sufficient only for their own immediate expenditure; nor, under the
present system of their laws, manners, trade, and government, can
anything further be expected from them.  It cannot, however, admit
of a doubt that all the rich and valuable productions both of the
East and West Indies might easily be naturalised and brought to the
utmost perfection in the tropical parts of this immense continent.
Nothing is wanting to this end but example to enlighten the minds of
the natives, and instruction to enable them to direct their industry
to proper objects.  It was not possible for me to behold the
wonderful fertility of the soil, the vast herds of cattle, proper
both for labour and food, and a variety of other circumstances
favourable to colonisation and agriculture--and reflect, withal, on
the means which presented themselves of a vast inland navigation
without--lamenting that a country so abundantly gifted and favoured
by nature should remain in its present savage and neglected state.
Much more did I lament that a people of manners and disposition so
gentle and benevolent should either be left as they now are,
immersed in the gross and uncomfortable blindness of pagan
superstition, or permitted to become converts to a system of bigotry
and fanaticism which, without enlightening the mind, often debases
the heart.  On this subject many observations might be made, but the
reader will probably think that I have already digressed too
largely; and I now, therefore, return to my situation at Kamalia.



CHAPTER XXIV--MOHAMMEDAN CUSTOMS; ARRIVAL AT KINYTAKOORO



The schoolmaster to whose care I was entrusted during the absence of
Karfa was a man of a mild disposition and gentle manners; his name
was Fankooma, and although he himself adhered strictly to the
religion of Mohammed, he was by no means intolerant in his
principles towards others who differed from him.  He spent much of
his time in reading, and teaching appeared to be his pleasure as
well as employment.  His school consisted of seventeen boys, most of
whom were sons of Kafirs, and two girls, one of whom was Karfa's own
daughter.  The girls received their instruction in the daytime, but
the boys always had their lessons, by the light of a large fire,
before day break and again late in the evening; for, being
considered, during their scholarship, as the domestic slaves of the
master, they were employed in planting corn, bringing firewood, and
in other servile offices through the day.

Exclusive of the Koran, and a book or two of commentaries thereon,
the schoolmaster possessed a variety of manuscripts, which had
partly been purchased from the trading Moors, and partly borrowed
from bushreens in the neighbourhood and copied with great care.
Other manuscripts had been produced to me at different places in the
course of my journey; and on recounting those I had before seen, and
those which were now shown to me, and interrogating the schoolmaster
on the subject, I discovered that the negroes are in possession
(among others) of an Arabic version of the Pentateuch of Moses,
which they call Taureta la Moosa.  This is so highly esteemed that
it is often sold for the value of one prime slave.  They have
likewise a version of the Psalms of David (Zabora Dawidi); and,
lastly, the Book of Isaiah, which they call Lingeeli la Isa, and it
is in very high esteem.  I suspect, indeed, that in all these copies
there are interpolations of some of the peculiar tenets of Mohammed,
for I could distinguish in many passages the name of the Prophet.
It is possible, however, that this circumstance might otherwise have
been accounted for if my knowledge of the Arabic had been more
extensive.  By means of those books many of the converted negroes
have acquired an acquaintance with some of the remarkable events
recorded in the Old Testament.  The account of our first parents,
the death of Abel, the Deluge, the lives of Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, the story of Joseph and his brethren, the history of Moses,
David, Solomon, etc; all these have been related to me, in the
Mandingo language, with tolerable exactness by different people; and
my surprise was not greater, on hearing these accounts from the lips
of the negroes, than theirs on finding that I was already acquainted
with them; for although the negroes in general have a very great
idea of the wealth and power of the Europeans, I am afraid that the
Mohammedan converts among them think but very lightly of our
superior attainments in religious knowledge.  The white traders in
the maritime districts take no pains to counteract this unhappy
prejudice, always performing their own devotions in secret, and
seldom condescending to converse with the negroes in a friendly and
instructive manner.  To me, therefore, it was not so much the
subject of wonder as matter of regret to observe that, while the
superstition of Mohammed has in this manner scattered a few faint
beams of learning among these poor people, the precious light of
Christianity is altogether excluded.  I could not but lament that,
although the coast of Africa has now been known and frequented by
the Europeans for more than two hundred years, yet the negroes still
remain entire strangers to the doctrines of our holy religion.  We
are anxious to draw from obscurity the opinions and records of
antiquity, the beauties of Arabian and Asiatic literature, etc.; but
while our libraries are thus stored with the learning of various
countries, we distribute with a parsimonious hand the blessings of
religious truth to the benighted nations of the earth.  The natives
of Asia derive but little advantage in this respect from an
intercourse with us; and even the poor Africans, whom we affect to
consider as barbarians, look upon us, I fear, as little better than
a race of formidable but ignorant heathens.  When I produced
Richardson's Arabic Grammar to some slatees on the Gambia, they were
astonished to think that any European should understand and write
the sacred language of their religion.  At first they suspected that
it might have been written by some of the slaves carried from the
coast, but on a closer examination they were satisfied that no
bushreen could write such beautiful Arabic, and one of them offered
to give me an ass and sixteen bars of goods if I would part with the
book.  Perhaps a short and easy introduction to Christianity, such
as is found in some of the catechisms for children, elegantly
printed in Arabic, and distributed on different parts of the coast,
might have a wonderful effect.  The expense would be but trifling;
curiosity would induce many to read it; and the evident superiority
which it would possess over their present manuscripts, both in point
of elegance and cheapness, might at last obtain it a place among the
school-books of Africa.

The reflections which I have thus ventured to submit to my readers
on this important subject naturally suggested themselves to my mind
on perceiving the encouragement which was thus given to learning
(such as it is) in many parts of Africa.  I have observed that the
pupils at Kamalia were most of them the children of pagans; their
parents, therefore, could have had no predilection for the doctrines
of Mohammed.  Their aim was their children's improvement; and if a
more enlightened system had presented itself, it would probably have
been preferred.  The children, too, wanted not a spirit of
emulation, which it is the aim of the tutor to encourage.  When any
one of them has read through the Koran, and performed a certain
number of public prayers, a feast is prepared by the schoolmaster,
and the scholar undergoes an examination, or (in European terms)
takes out his degree.  I attended at three different inaugurations
of this sort, and heard with pleasure the distinct and intelligent
answers which the scholars frequently gave to the bushreens, who
assembled on those occasions and acted as examiners.  When the
bushreens had satisfied themselves respecting the learning and
abilities of the scholar, the last page of the Koran was put into
his hand, and he was desired to read it aloud.  After the boy had
finished this lesson, he pressed the paper against his forehead and
pronounced the word Amen, upon which all the bushreens rose, and,
shaking him cordially by the hand, bestowed upon him the title of
bushreen.

When a scholar has undergone this examination, his parents are
informed that he has completed his education, and that it is
incumbent on them to redeem their son by giving to the schoolmaster
a slave or the price of a slave in exchange, which is always done if
the parents can afford to do it; if not, the boy remains the
domestic slave of the schoolmaster until he can, by his own
industry, collect goods sufficient to ransom himself.

About a week after the departure of Karfa three Moors arrived at
Kamalia with a considerable quantity of salt and other merchandise,
which they had obtained on credit from a merchant of Fezzan, who had
lately arrived at Kancaba.  Their engagement was to pay him his
price when the goods were sold, which they expected would be in the
course of a month.  Being rigid bushreens, they were accommodated
with two of Karfa's huts, and sold their goods to very great
advantage.

On the 24th of January Karfa returned to Kamalia with a number of
people and thirteen prime slaves whom he had purchased.  He likewise
brought with him a young girl whom he had married at Kancaba, as his
fourth wife, and had given her parents three prime slaves for her.
She was kindly received at the door of the baloon by Karfa's other
wives, who conducted their new acquaintance and co-partner into one
of the best huts, which they had caused to be swept and whitewashed
on purpose to receive her.

My clothes were by this time become so very ragged that I was almost
ashamed to appear out of doors, but Karfa, on the day after his
arrival, generously presented me with such a garment and trousers as
are commonly worn in the country.

The slaves which Karfa had brought with him were all of them
prisoners of war; they had been taken by the Bambarra army in the
kingdoms of Wassela and Kaarta, and carried to Sego, where some of
them had remained three years in irons.  From Sego they were sent,
in company with a number of other captives, up the Niger in two
large canoes, and offered for sale at Yamina, Bammakoo, and Kancaba;
at which places the greater number of the captives were bartered for
gold dust, and the remainder sent forward to Kankaree.

Eleven of them confessed to me that they had been slaves from their
infancy, but the other two refused to give any account of their
former condition.  They were all very inquisitive, but they viewed
me at first with looks of horror, and repeatedly asked if my
countrymen were cannibals.  They were very desirous to know what
became of the slaves after they had crossed the salt water.  I told
them that they were employed in cultivation the land; but they would
not believe me, and one of them, putting his hand upon the ground,
said, with great simplicity, "Have you really got such ground as
this to set your feet upon?"  A deeply-rooted idea that the whites
purchase negroes for the purpose of devouring them, or of selling
them to others that they may be devoured hereafter, naturally makes
the slaves contemplate a journey towards the coast with great
terror, insomuch that the slatees are forced to keep them constantly
in irons, and watch them very closely, to prevent their escape.
They are commonly secured by putting the right leg of one and the
left of another into the same pair of fetters.  By supporting the
fetters with a string, they can walk, though very slowly.  Every
four slaves are likewise fastened together by the necks with a
strong rope of twisted thongs, and in the night an additional pair
of fetters is put on their hands, and sometimes a light iron chain
passed round their necks.

Such of them as evince marks of discontent are secured in a
different manner.  A thick billet of wood is cut about three feet
long, and, a smooth notch being made upon one side of it, the ankle
of the slave is bolted to the smooth part by means of a strong iron
staple, one prong of which passes on each side of the ankle.  All
these fetters and bolts are made from native iron; in the present
case they were put on by the blacksmith as soon as the slaves
arrived from Kancaba, and were not taken off until the morning on
which the coffle departed for Gambia.

In other respects the treatment of the slaves during their stay at
Kamalia was far from being harsh or cruel.  They were led out in
their fetters every morning to the shade of the tamarind-tree, where
they were encouraged to play at games of hazard, and sing diverting
songs, to keep up their spirits; for, though some of them sustained
the hardships of their situation with amazing fortitude, the greater
part were very much dejected, and would sit all day in a sort of
sullen melancholy, with their eyes fixed upon the ground.  In the
evening their irons were examined, and their hand-fetters put on,
after which they were conducted into two large huts, where they were
guarded during the night by Karfa's domestic slaves.  But,
notwithstanding all this, about a week after their arrival, one of
the slaves had the address to procure a small knife, with which he
opened the rings of his fetters, cut the rope, and made his escape;
more of them would probably have got off had they assisted each
other, but the slave no sooner found himself at liberty than he
refused to stop and assist in breaking the chain which was fastened
round the necks of his companions.

As all the slatees and slaves belonging to the coffle were now
assembled either at Kamalia or at some of the neighbouring villages,
it might have been expected that we should set out immediately for
Gambia; but though the day of our departure was frequently fixed, it
was always found expedient to change it.  Some of the people had not
prepared their dry provisions; others had gone to visit their
relations; or collect some trifling debts; and, last of all, it was
necessary to consult whether the day would be a lucky one.  On
account of one of these, or other such causes, our departure was put
off, day after day, until the month of February was far advanced,
after which all the slatees agreed to remain in their present
quarters until the FAST MOON WAS OVER.  And here I may remark that
loss of time is an object of no great importance in the eyes of a
negro.  If he has anything of consequence to perform, it is a matter
of indifference to him whether he does it to-day or to-morrow, or a
month or two hence; so long as he can spend the present moment with
any degree of comfort, he gives himself very little concern about
the future.

The fast of Ramadan was observed with great strictness by all the
bushreens, but instead of compelling me to follow their example, as
the Moors did on a similar occasion, Karfa frankly told me that I
was at liberty to pursue my own inclination.  In order, however, to
manifest a respect for their religious opinions, I voluntarily
fasted three days, which was thought sufficient to screen me from
the reproachful epithet of kafir.  During the fast all the slatees
belonging to the coffle assembled every morning in Karfa's house,
where the schoolmaster read to them some religious lessons from a
large folio volume, the author of which was an Arab of the name of
Sheiffa.  In the evening such of the women as had embraced
Mohammedanism assembled and said their prayers publicly at the
missura.  They were all dressed in white, and went through the
different prostrations prescribed by their religion with becoming
solemnity.  Indeed, during the whole fast of Ramadan the negroes
behaved themselves with the greatest meekness and humility, forming
a striking contrast to the savage intolerance and brutal bigotry
which at this period characterise the Moors.

When the fast month was almost at an end, the bushreens assembled at
the missura to watch for the appearance of the new moon, but, the
evening being rather cloudy, they were for some time disappointed,
and a number of them had gone home with a resolution to fast another
day, when on a sudden this delightful object showed her sharp horns
from behind a cloud, and was welcomed with the clapping of hands,
beating of drums, firing of muskets, and other marks of rejoicing.
As this moon is reckoned extremely lucky, Karfa gave orders that all
the people belonging to the coffle should immediately pack up their
dry provisions and hold themselves in readiness; and on the 16th of
April the slatees held a consultation and fixed on the 19th of the
same month as the day on which the coffle should depart from
Kamalia.  This resolution freed me from much uneasiness, for our
departure had already been so long deferred that I was apprehensive
it might still be put off until the commencement of the rainy
season; and although Karfa behaved towards me with the greatest
kindness, I found my situation very unpleasant.  The slatees were
unfriendly to me, and the trading Moors who were at this time at
Kamalia continued to plot mischief against me from the first day of
their arrival.  Under these circumstances I reflected that my life
in a great measure depended on the good opinion of an individual who
was daily hearing malicious stories concerning the Europeans, and I
could hardly expect that he would always judge with impartiality
between me and his countrymen.  Time had, indeed, reconciled me in
some degree to their mode of life, and a smoky hut or a scanty
supper gave me no great uneasiness; but I became at last wearied out
with a constant state of alarm and anxiety, and felt a painful
longing for the manifold blessings of civilised society.

April 19.--The long-wished-for day of our departure was at length
arrived; and the slatees, having taken the irons from their slaves,
assembled with them at the door of Karfa's house, where the bundles
were all tied up, and every one had his load assigned him.  The
coffle, on its departure from Kamalia, consisted of twenty-seven
slaves for sale, the property of Karfa and four other slatees; but
we were afterwards joined by five at Maraboo and three at Bala--
making in all thirty-five slaves.  The freemen were fourteen in
number, but most of them had one or two wives and some domestic
slaves; and the schoolmaster, who was now upon his return for
Woradoo, the place of his nativity, took with him eight of his
scholars, so that the number of free people and domestic slaves
amounted to thirty-eight, and the whole amount of the coffle was
seventy-three.  Among the freemen were six jillikeas (singing men),
whose musical talents were frequently exerted either to divert our
fatigue or obtain us a welcome from strangers.  When we departed
from Kamalia, we were followed for about half a mile by most of the
inhabitants of the town, some of them crying and others shaking
hands with their relations who were now about to leave them; and
when we had gained a piece of rising ground, from which we had a
view of Kamalia, all the people belonging to the coffle were ordered
to sit down in one place with their faces towards the west, and the
townspeople were desired to sit down in another place with their
faces towards Kamalia.  In this situation the schoolmaster, with two
of the principal slatees, having taken their places between the two
parties, pronounced a long and solemn prayer, after which they
walked three times round the coffle, making an impression in the
ground with the ends of their spears, and muttering something by way
of charm.  When this ceremony was ended, all the people belonging to
the coffle sprang up and, without taking a formal farewell of their
friends, set forwards.  As many of the slaves had remained for years
in irons, the sudden exertion of walking quick with heavy loads upon
their heads occasioned spasmodic contractions of their legs; and we
had not proceeded above a mile before it was found necessary to take
two of them from the rope, and allow them to walk more slowly until
we reached Maraboo, a walled village, where some people were waiting
to join the coffle.  Here we stopped about two hours, to allow the
strangers time to pack up their provisions, and then continued our
route to Bala, which town we reached about four in the afternoon.
The inhabitants of Bala at this season of the year subsist chiefly
on fish, which they take in great plenty from the streams in the
neighbourhood.  We remained here until the afternoon of the next
day, the 20th, when we proceeded to Worumbang, the frontier village
of Manding, towards Jallonkadoo.  As we proposed shortly to enter
the Jallonka Wilderness, the people of this village furnished us
with great plenty of provisions, and on the morning of the 21st we
entered the woods to the westward of Worumbang.  After having
travelled some little way, a consultation was held whether we should
continue our route through the wilderness, or save one day's
provisions by going to Kinytakooro, a town in Jallonkadoo.  After
debating the matter for some time, it was agreed that we should take
the road for Kinytakooro; but as that town was a long day's journey
distant, it was necessary to take some refreshment.  Accordingly
every person opened his provision-bag and brought a handful or two
of meal to the place where Karfa and the slatees were sitting.  When
every one had brought his quota, and the whole was properly arranged
in small gourd-shells, the schoolmaster offered up a short prayer,
the substance of which was that God and the holy Prophet might
preserve us from robbers and all bad people, that our provisions
might never fail us, nor our limbs become fatigued.  This ceremony
being ended, every one partook of the meal and drank a little water,
after which we set forward (rather running than walking) until we
came to the river Kokoro, a branch of the Senegal, where we halted
about ten minutes.  The banks of this river are very high, and from
the grass and brushwood which had been left by the stream it was
evident that at this place the water had risen more than twenty feet
perpendicular during the rainy season.  At this time it was only a
small stream, such as would turn a mill, swarming with fish; and on
account of the number of crocodiles, and the danger of being carried
past the ford by the force of the stream in the rainy season, it is
called Kokoro (dangerous).  From this place we continued to travel
with the greatest expedition, and in the afternoon crossed two small
branches of the Kokoro.  About sunset we came in sight of
Kinytakooro, a considerable town, nearly square, situated in the
middle of a large and well-cultivated plain:  before we entered the
town, we halted until the people who had fallen behind came up.
During this day's travel two slaves, a woman and a girl, belonging
to a slates of Bala, were so much fatigued that they could not keep
up with the coffle; they were severely whipped, and dragged along
until about three o'clock in the afternoon, when they were both
affected with vomiting, by which it was discovered that they had
EATEN clay.  This practice is by no means uncommon amongst the
negroes; but whether it arises from a vitiated appetite, or from a
settled intention to destroy themselves, I cannot affirm.  They were
permitted to lie down in the woods, and three people remained with
them until they had rested themselves; but they did not arrive at
the town until past midnight, and were then so much exhausted that
the slatee gave up all thoughts of taking them across the woods in
their present condition, and determined to return with them to Bala
and wait for another opportunity.

As this was the first town beyond the limits of Manding, greater
etiquette than usual was observed.  Every person was ordered to keep
in his proper station, and we marched towards the town in a sort of
procession nearly as follows:- In front five or six singing men, all
of them belonging to the coffle; these were followed by the other
free people; then came the slaves, fastened in the usual way by a
rope round their necks, four of them to a rope, and a man with a
spear between each four; after them came the domestic slaves; and in
the rear the women of free condition, wives of the slatees, etc.  In
this manner we proceeded until we came within a hundred yards of the
gate, when the singing men began a loud song, well calculated to
flatter the vanity of the inhabitants, by extolling their known
hospitality to strangers and their particular friendship for the
Mandingoes.  When we entered the town we proceeded to the bentang,
where the people gathered round us to hear our dentegi (history);
this was related publicly by two of the singing men--they enumerated
every little circumstance which had happened to the coffle,
beginning with the events of the present day and relating everything
in a backward series until they reached Kamalia.  When this history
was ended, the master of the town gave them a small present, and all
the people of the coffle, both free and enslaved, were invited by
some person or other and accommodated with lodging and provisions
for the night.



CHAPTER XXV--THE JALLONKA WILDERNESS; A WARLIKE TALE



We continued at Kinytakooro until noon of the 22nd of April, when we
removed to a village about seven miles to the westward, the
inhabitants of which, being apprehensive of hostilities from the
Foulahs of Fooladoo, were at this time employed in constructing
small temporary huts among the rocks, on the side of a high hill
close to the village.  The situation was almost impregnable, being
everywhere surrounded with high precipices, except on the eastern
side, where the natives had left a pathway sufficient to allow one
person at a time to ascend.  Upon the brow of the hill, immediately
over this path, I observed several heaps of large loose stones,
which the people told me were intended to be thrown down upon the
Foulahs if they should attempt the hill.

At daybreak on the 23rd we departed from this village and entered
the Jallonka Wilderness.  We passed in the course of the morning the
ruins of two small towns which had lately been burnt by the Foulahs.
The fire must have been very intense, for I observed that the walls
of many of the huts were slightly vitrified, and appeared at a
distance as if covered with a red varnish.  About ten o'clock we
came to the river Wonda, which is somewhat larger than the river
Kokoro; but the stream was at this the rather muddy, which Karfa
assured me was occasioned by amazing shoals of fish.  They were
indeed seen in all directions, and in such abundance that I fancied
the water itself tasted and smelt fishy.  As soon as we had crossed
the river, Karfa gave orders that all the people of the coffle
should in future keep close together, and travel in their proper
station.  The guides and young men were accordingly placed in the
van, the women and slaves in the centre, and the freemen in the
rear.  In this order we travelled with uncommon expedition through a
woody but beautiful country, interspersed with a pleasing variety of
hill and dale, and abounding with partridges, guinea-fowl, and deer,
until sunset, when we arrived at a most romantic stream, called Co-
meissang.  My arms and neck having been exposed to the sun during
the whole day, and irritated by the rubbing of my dress in walking,
were now very much inflamed and covered with blisters, and I was
happy to embrace the opportunity, while the coffle rested on the
bank of the river, to bathe myself in the stream.  This practice,
together with the cool of the evening, much diminished the
inflammation.  About three miles to the westward of the Co-meissang
we halted in a thick wood and kindled our fires for the night.  We
were all by this time very much fatigued, having, as I judged,
travelled this day thirty miles, but no person was heard to
complain.  Whilst supper was preparing, Karfa made one of the slaves
break some branches from the trees for my bed.  When we had finished
our supper of kouskous, moistened with some boiling water, and put
the slaves in irons, we all lay down to sleep; but we were
frequently disturbed in the night by the howling of wild beasts, and
we found the small brown ants very troublesome.

April 24.--Before daybreak the bushreens said their morning prayers,
and most of the free people drank a little moening (a sort of
gruel), part of which was likewise given to such of the slaves as
appeared least able to sustain the fatigues of the day.  One of
Karfa's female slaves was very sulky, and when some gruel was
offered to her she refused to drink it.  As soon as day dawned we
set out, and travelled the whole morning over a wild and rocky
country, by which my feet were much bruised, and I was sadly
apprehensive that I should not he able to keep up with the coffle
during the day; but I was in a great measure relieved from this
anxiety when I observed that others were more exhausted than myself.
In particular, the woman slave who had refused victuals in the
morning began now to lag behind, and complain dreadfully of pains in
her legs.  Her load was taken from her and given to another slave,
and she was ordered to keep in the front of the coffle.  About
eleven o'clock, as we were resting by a small rivulet, some of the
people discovered a hive of bees in a hollow tree, and they were
proceeding to obtain the honey when the largest swarm I ever beheld
flew out, and, attacking the people of the coffle, made us fly in
all directions.  I took the alarm first, and, I believe, was the
only person who escaped with impunity.  When our enemies thought fit
to desist from pursuing us, and every person was employed in picking
out the stings he had received, it was discovered that the poor
woman above mentioned, whose name was Nealee, was not come up; and
as many of the slaves in their retreat had left their brindles
behind them, it became necessary for some persons to return and
bring them.  In order to do this with safety, fire was set to the
grass a considerable way to the eastward of the hive, and, the wind
driving the fire furiously along, the party pushed through the smoke
and recovered the bundles.  They likewise brought with them poor
Nealee, whom they found lying by the rivulet.  She was very much
exhausted, and had crept to the stream in hopes to defend herself
from the bees by throwing water over her body; but this proved
ineffectual, for she was stung in the most dreadful manner.

When the slatees had picked out the stings as far as they could, she
was washed with water and then rubbed with bruised leaves; but the
wretched woman obstinately refused to proceed any farther, declaring
that she would rather die than walk another step.  As entreaties and
threats were used in vain, the whip was at length applied; and after
bearing patiently a few strokes she started up and walked with
tolerable expedition for four or five hours longer, when she made an
attempt to run away from the coffle, but was so very weak that she
fell down in the grass.  Though she was unable to rise, the whip was
a second time applied, but without effect; upon which Karfa desired
two of the slatees to place her upon the ass which carried our dry
provisions; but she could not sit erect, and the ass being very
refractory it was found impossible to carry her forward in that
manner.  The slatees, however, were unwilling to abandon her, the
day's journey being nearly ended; they therefore made a sort of
litter of bamboo-canes, upon which she was placed, and tied on it
with slips of bark.  This litter was carried upon the heads of two
slaves, one walking before the other, and they were followed by two
others, who relieved them occasionally.  In this manner the woman
was carried forward until it was dark, when we reached a stream of
water at the foot of a high hill called Gankaran-Kooro, and here we
stopped for the night, and set about preparing our supper.  As we
had only ate one handful of meal since the preceding night, and
travelled all day in a hot sun, many of the slaves who had loads
upon their heads were very much fatigued, and some of them SNAPPED
THEIR FINGERS, which among the negroes is a sure sign of
desperation.  The slatees immediately put them all in irons, and
such of them as had evinced signs of great despondency were kept
apart from the rest, and had their hands tied.  In the morning they
were found greatly recovered.

April 25.--At daybreak poor Nealee was awakened, but her limbs were
now become so stiff and painful that she could neither walk nor
stand; she was therefore lifted, like a corpse, upon the back of the
ass, and the slatees endeavoured to secure her in that situation by
fastening her hands together under the ass's neck, and her feet
under the belly, with long slips of bark; but the ass was so very
unruly that no sort of treatment could induce him to proceed with
his load, and as Nealee made no exertion to prevent herself from
falling she was quickly thrown off, and had one of her legs much
bruised.  Every attempt to carry her forward being thus found
ineffectual, the general cry of the coffle was Kang-tegi, kang-tegi
("Cut her throat, cut her throat")--an operation I did not wish to
see performed, and therefore marched onwards with the foremost of
the coffle.  I had not walked above a mile, when one of Karfa's
domestic slaves came up to me, with poor Nealea's garment upon the
end of his bow, and exclaimed, Nealee affeeleeta ("Nealee is lost")!
I asked him whether the slatees had given him the garment as a
reward for cutting her throat.  He replied that Karfa and the
schoolmaster would not consent to that measure, but had left her on
the road, where undoubtedly she soon perished, and was probably
devoured by wild beasts.

The sad fate of this wretched woman, notwithstanding the outcry
before mentioned, made a strong impression on the mind of the whole
coffle, and the schoolmaster fasted the whole of the ensuing day in
consequence of it.  We proceeded in deep silence, and soon
afterwards crossed the river Furkoomah, which was about as large as
the river Wonda.  We now travelled with great expedition, every one
being apprehensive he might otherwise meet with the fate of poor
Nealee.  It was, however, with great difficulty that I could keep
up, although I threw away my spear and everything that could in the
least obstruct me.  About noon we saw a large herd of elephants, but
they suffered us to pass unmolested; and in the evening we halted
near a thicket of bamboo, but found no water, so that we were forced
to proceed four miles farther to a small stream, where we stopped
for the night.  We had marched this day, as I judged, about twenty-
six miles.

April 26.--This morning two of the schoolmaster's pupils complained
much of pains in their legs, and one of the slaves walked lame, the
soles of his feet being very much blistered and inflamed; we
proceeded, notwithstanding, and about eleven o'clock began to ascend
a rocky hill called Boki-Kooro, and it was past two in the afternoon
before we reached the level ground on the other side.  This was the
most rocky road we had yet encountered, and it hurt our feet much.
In a short time we arrived at a pretty large river, called Boki,
which we forded; it ran smooth and clear over a bed of whinstone.
About a mile to the westward of the river we came to a road which
leads to the north-east towards Gadou, and seeing the marks of many
horses' feet upon the soft sand, the slatees conjectured that a
party of plunderers had lately rode that way to fall upon some town
of Gadou; and lest they should discover upon their return that we
had passed, and attempt to pursue us by the marks of our feet, the
coffle was ordered to disperse and travel in a loose manner through
the high grass and bushes.  A little before it was dark, having
crossed the ridge of hills to the westward of the river Boki, we
came to a well called Cullong Qui (White Sand Well), and here we
rested for the night.

April 27.--We departed from the well early in the morning, and
walked on with the greatest alacrity, in hopes of reaching a town
before night.  The road during the forenoon led through extensive
thickets of dry bamboos.  About two o'clock we came to a stream
called Nunkolo, where we were each of us regaled with a handful of
meal, which, according to a superstitious custom, was not to be
eaten until it was first moistened with water from this stream.
About four o'clock we reached Sooseeta, a small Jallonka village,
situated in the district of Kullo, which comprehends all that tract
of country lying along the banks of the Black River, or main branch
of the Senegal.  These were the first human habitations we had seen
since we left the village to the westward of Kinytakooro, having
travelled in the course of the last five days upwards of one hundred
miles.  Here, after a great deal of entreaty, we were provided with
huts to sleep in, but the master of the village plainly told us that
he could not give us any provisions, as there had lately been a
great scarcity in this part of the country.  He assured us that,
before they had gathered in their present crops, the whole
inhabitants of Kullo had been for twenty-nine days without tasting
corn, during which time they supported themselves entirely upon the
yellow powder which is found in the pods of the nitta, so called by
the natives, a species of mimosa, and upon the seeds of the bamboo-
cane, which, when properly pounded and dressed, taste very much like
rice.  As our dry provisions were not yet exhausted, a considerable
quantity of kouskous was dressed for supper, and many of the
villagers were invited to take part of the repast; but they made a
very bad return for this kindness, for in the night they seized upon
one of the schoolmaster's boys, who had fallen asleep under the
bentang tree, and carried him away.  The boy fortunately awoke
before he was far from the village, and, setting up a loud scream,
the man who carried him put his hand upon his mouth and ran with him
into the woods; but afterwards understanding that he belonged to the
schoolmaster, whose place of residence is only three days' journey
distant, he thought, I suppose, that he could not retain him as a
slave without the schoolmaster's knowledge, and therefore stripped
off the boy's clothes and permitted him to return.

April 28.--Early in the morning we departed from Sooseeta, and about
ten o'clock came to an unwalled town, called Manna, the inhabitants
of which were employed in collecting the fruit of the nitta-trees,
which are very numerous in this neighbourhood.  The pods are long
and narrow, and contain a few black seeds, enveloped in the fine
mealy powder before mentioned; the meal itself is of a bright yellow
colour, resembling the flour of sulphur, and has a sweet
mucilaginous taste.  When eaten by itself it is clammy, but when
mixed with milk or water it constitutes a very pleasant and
nourishing article of diet.

The language of the people of Manna is the same that is spoken all
over that extensive and hilly country called Jallonkadoo.  Some of
the words have a great affinity to the Mandingo, but the natives
themselves consider it as a distinct language.  Their numerals are
these


One, Kidding.
Two, Fidding.
Three, Sarra.
Four, Nani.
Five, Soolo.
Six, Seni.
Seven, Soolo ma fidding.
Eight, Soolo ma sarra.
Nine, Soolo ma nani.
Ten, Nuff.


The Jallonkas, like the Mandingoes, are governed by a number of
petty chiefs, who are in a great measure independent of each other.
They have no common sovereign, and the chiefs are seldom upon such
terms of friendship as to assist each other even in war-time.  The
chief of Manna, with a number of his people, accompanied us to the
banks of the Bafing, or Black River (a principal branch of the
Senegal), which we crossed upon a bridge of bamboos of a very
singular construction.  The river at this place is smooth and deep,
and has very little current.  Two tall trees, when tied together by
the tops, are sufficiently long to reach from one side to the other,
the roots resting upon the rocks, and the tops floating in the
water.  When a few trees have been placed in this direction, they
are covered with dry bamboos, so as to form a floating bridge, with
a sloping gangway at each end, where the trees rest upon the rocks.
This bridge is carried away every year by the swelling of the river
in the rainy season, and is constantly rebuilt by the inhabitants of
Manna, who, on that account, expect a small tribute from every
passenger.

In the afternoon we passed several villages, at none of which we
could procure a lodging, and in the twilight we received information
that two hundred Jallonkas had assembled near a town called Melo,
with a view to plunder the coffle.  This induced us to alter our
course, and we travelled with great secrecy until midnight, when we
approached a town called Koba.  Before we entered the town the names
of all the people belonging to the coffle were called over, and a
freeman and three slaves were found to be missing.  Every person
immediately concluded that the slaves had murdered the freeman and
made their escape.  It was therefore agreed that six people should
go back as far as the last village, and endeavour to find his body,
or collect some information concerning the slaves.  In the meantime
the coffle was ordered to lie concealed in a cotton-field near a
large nitta-tree, and nobody to speak except in a whisper.  It was
towards morning before the six men returned, having heard nothing of
the man or the slaves.  As none of us had tasted victuals for the
last twenty-four hours, it was agreed that we should go into Koba
and endeavour to procure some provisions.  We accordingly entered
the town before it was quite day, and Karfa purchased from the chief
man, for three strings of beads, a considerable quantity of ground
nuts, which we roasted and ate for breakfast.  We were afterwards
provided with huts, and rested here for the day.

About eleven o'clock, to our great joy and surprise, the freeman and
slaves who had parted from the coffle the preceding night entered
the town.  One of the slaves, it seems, had hurt his foot, and the
night being very dark they soon lost sight of the coffle.  The
freeman, as soon as he found himself alone with the slaves was aware
of his own danger, and insisted on putting them in irons.  The
slaves were at first rather unwilling to submit, but when he
threatened to stab them one by one with his spear, they made no
farther resistance; and he remained with them among the bushes until
morning, when he let them out of irons, and came to the town in
hopes of hearing which route the coffle had taken.  The information
that we received concerning the Jallonkas who intended to rob the
coffle was this day confirmed, and we were forced to remain here
until the afternoon of the 30th, when Karfa hired a number of people
to protect us, and we proceeded to a village called Tinkingtang.
Departing from this village on the day following, we crossed a high
ridge of mountains to the west of the Black River, and travelled
over a rough stony country until sunset, when we arrived at
Lingicotta, a small village in the district of Woradoo.  Here we
shook out the last handful of meal from our dry provision-bags, this
being the second day, since we crossed the Black River, that we had
travelled from morning until night without tasting one morsel of
food.

May 2.--We departed from Lingicotta; but the slaves being very much
fatigued, we halted for the night at a village about nine miles to
the westward, and procured some provisions through the interest of
the schoolmaster, who now sent forward a messenger to Malacotta, his
native town, to inform his friends of his arrival in the country,
and to desire them to provide the necessary quantity of victuals to
entertain the coffle for two or three days.

May 3.--We set out for Malacotta, and about noon arrived at a
village near a considerable stream of water which flows to the
westward.  Here we determined to stop for the return of the
messenger who had been sent to Malacotta the day before; and as the
natives assured me there were no crocodiles in this stream, I went
and bathed myself.  Very few people here can swim, for they came in
numbers to dissuade me from venturing into a pool where they said
the water would come over my head.  About two o'clock the messenger
returned from Malacotta, and the schoolmaster's elder brother, being
impatient to see him, came along with the messenger to meet him at
this village.  The interview between the two brothers, who had not
seen each other for nine years, was very natural and affecting.
They fell upon each other's neck, and it was some time before either
of them could speak.  At length, when the schoolmaster had a little
recovered himself, he took his brother by the hand, and turning
round, "This is the man," said he, pointing to Karfa, "who has been
my father in Manding.  I would have pointed him out sooner to you,
but my heart was too full."

We reached Malacotta in the evening, where we were well received.
This is an unwalled town.  The huts for the most part are made of
split cane, twisted into a sort of wicker-work, and plastered over
with mud.  Here we remained three days, and were each day presented
with a bullock from the schoolmaster.  We were likewise well
entertained by the townspeople, who appear to be very active and
industrious.  They make very good soap by boiling ground nuts in
water, and then adding a ley of wood-ashes.  They likewise
manufacture excellent iron, which they carry to Bondou to barter for
salt.  A party of the townspeople had lately returned from a trading
expedition of this kind, and brought information concerning a war
between Almami Abdulkader, king of Foota-Torra, and Damel, king of
the Jaloffs.  The events of this war soon became a favourite subject
with the singing men and the common topic of conversation in all the
kingdoms bordering upon the Senegal and Gambia; and, as the account
is somewhat singular, I shall here abridge it for the reader's
information.  The king of Foota-Torra, inflamed with a zeal for
propagating his religion, had sent an embassy to Damel similar to
that which he had sent to Kasson, as has been previously related.
The ambassador on the present occasion was accompanied by two of the
principal bushreens, who carried each a large knife fixed on the top
of a long pole.  As soon as he had procured admission into the
presence of Damel, and announced the pleasure of his Sovereign, he
ordered the bushreens to present the emblems of his mission.  The
two knives were accordingly laid before Damel, and the ambassador
explained himself as follows:- "With this knife," said he,
"Abdulkader will condescend to shave the head of Damel, if Damel
will embrace the Mohammedan faith; and with this other knife
Abdulkader will cut the throat of Damel if Damel refuses to embrace
it:  take your choice."  Damel coolly told the ambassador that he
had no choice to make; he neither chose to have his head shaved nor
his throat cut; and with this answer the ambassador was civilly
dismissed.  Abdulkader took his measures accordingly, and with a
powerful army invaded Damel's country.  The inhabitants of the towns
and villages filled up their wells, destroyed their provisions,
carried off their effects, and abandoned their dwellings as he
approached.  By this means he was led on from place to place, until
he had advanced three days' journey into the country of the Jaloffs.
He had, indeed, met with no opposition, but his army had suffered so
much from the scarcity of water that several of his men had died by
the way.  This induced him to direct his march towards a watering-
place in the woods, where his men, having quenched their thirst and
being overcome with fatigue, lay down carelessly to sleep among the
bushes.  In this situation they were attacked by Damel before
daybreak and completely routed.  Many of them were trampled to death
as they lay asleep by the Jaloff horses; others were killed in
attempting to make their escape; and a still greater number were
taken prisoners.  Among the latter was Abdulkader himself.  This
ambitious, or, rather, frantic prince, who but a month before had
sent the threatening message to Damel, was now himself led into his
presence as a miserable captive.  The behaviour of Damel on this
occasion is never mentioned by the singing men but in terms of the
highest approbation; and it was indeed so extraordinary in an
African prince that the reader may find it difficult to give credit
to the recital.  When his royal prisoner was brought before him in
irons, and thrown upon the ground, the magnanimous Damel, instead of
setting his foot upon his neck and stabbing him with his spear,
according to custom in such cases, addressed him as follows: --
"Abdulkader, answer me this question.  If the chance of war had
placed me in your situation, and you in mine, how would you have
treated me?"  "I would have thrust my spear into your heart,"
returned Abdulkader, with great firmness; "and I know that a similar
fate awaits me."  "Not so," said Damel; "my spear is indeed red with
the blood of your subjects, killed in battle, and I could now give
it a deeper stain by dipping it in your own; but this would not
build up my towns, nor bring to life the thousands who fell in the
woods.  I will not, therefore, kill you in cold blood, but I will
retain you as my slave, until I perceive that your presence in your
own kingdom will be no longer dangerous to your neighbours, and then
I will consider of the proper way of disposing of you."  Abdulkader
was accordingly retained, and worked as a slave for three months; at
the end of which period Damel listened to the solicitations of the
inhabitants of Foota-Torra, and restored to them their king.
Strange as this story may appear, I have no doubt of the truth of
it.  It was told me at Malacotta by the negroes; it was afterwards
related to me by the Europeans on the Gambia, by some of the French
at Goree, and confirmed by nine slaves who were taken prisoners
along with Abdulkader by the watering-place in the woods and carried
in the same ship with me to the West Indies.



CHAPTER XXVI--MEETING WITH DR. LAIDLEY--RETURN TO THE COAST--VOYAGE
TO ENGLAND



On the 7th of May we departed from Malacotta, and having crossed the
Ba Lee (Honey River), a branch of the Senegal, we arrived in the
evening at a walled town called Bintingala, where we rested two
days.  From thence, in one day more, we proceeded to Dindikoo, a
small town situated at the bottom of a high ridge of hills, from
which this district is named Konkodoo (the country of mountains).
These hills are very productive of gold.  I was shown a small
quantity of this metal which had been lately collected:  the grains
were about the usual size, but much flatter than those of Manding,
and were found in white quartz, which had been broken to pieces by
hammers.  At this town I met with a negro whose hair and skin were
of a dull white colour.  He was of that sort which are called in the
Spanish West Indies albinos, or white negroes.  The skin is
cadaverous and unsightly, and the natives considered this complexion
(I believe truly) as the effect of disease.

May 11.--At daybreak we departed from Dindikoo, and, after a
toilsome day's travel, arrived in the evening at Satadoo, the
capital of a district of the same name.  This town was formerly of
considerable extent, but many families had left it in consequence of
the predatory incursions of the Foulahs of Foota-Jalla, who made it
a practice to come secretly through the woods and carry off people
from the cornfields and even from the wells near the town.  In the
afternoon of the 12th we crossed the Faleme River, the same which I
had formerly crossed at Bondou in my journey eastward.  This river,
at this season of the year, is easily forded at this place, the
stream being only about two feet deep.  The water is very pure, and
flows rapidly over a bed of sand and gravel.  We lodged for the
night at a small village called Medina, the sole property of a
Mandingo merchant who, by a long intercourse with Europeans, has
been induced to adopt some of their customs.  His victuals were
served up in pewter dishes, and even his houses were built after the
fashion of the English houses on the Gambia.

May 13.--In the morning, as we were preparing to depart, a coffle of
slaves belonging to some Serawoolli traders crossed the river, and
agreed to proceed with us to Baniserile, the capital of Dentila--a
very long day's journey from this place.  We accordingly set out
together, and travelled with great expedition through the woods
until noon, when one of the Serawoolli slaves dropped the load from
his head, for which he was smartly whipped.  The load was replaced,
but he had not proceeded above a mile before he let it fall a second
time, for which he received the same punishment.  After this he
travelled in great pain until about two o'clock, when we stopped to
breathe a little by a pool of water, the day being remarkably hot.
The poor slave was now so completely exhausted that his master was
obliged to release him from the rope, for he lay motionless on the
ground.  A Serawoolli, therefore, undertook to remain with him and
endeavour to bring him to the town during the cool of the night; in
the meanwhile we continued our route, and after a very hard day's
travel, arrived at Baniserile late in the evening.

One of our slatees was a native of this place, from which he had
been absent three years.  This man invited me to go with him to his
house, at the gate of which his friends met him with many
expressions of joy, shaking hands with him, embracing him, and
singing and dancing before him.  As soon as he had seated himself
upon a mat by the threshold of his door, a young woman (his intended
bride) brought a little water in a calabash, and, kneeling down
before him, desired him to wash his hands; when he had done this the
girl, with a tear of joy sparkling in her eyes, drank the water--
this being considered as the greatest proof she could possibly give
him of her fidelity and attachment.  About eight o'clock the same
evening the Serawoolli who had been left in the woods to take care
of the fatigued slave returned and told us that he was dead; the
general opinion, however, was that he himself had killed him or left
him to perish on the road, for the Serawoollies are said to be
infinitely more cruel in their treatment of slaves than the
Mandingoes.  We remained at Baniserile two days, in order to
purchase native iron, shea-butter, and some other articles for sale
on the Gambia; and here the slatee who had invited me to his house,
and who possessed three slaves, part of the coffle, having obtained
information that the price on the coast was very low, determined to
separate from us and remain with his slaves where he was until an
opportunity should offer of disposing of them to advantage--giving
us to understand that he should complete his nuptials with the young
woman before mentioned in the meantime.

May 16.--We departed from Baniserile and travelled through thick
woods until noon, when we saw at a distance the town of Julifunda,
but did not approach it, as we proposed to rest for the night at a
large town called Kirwani, which we reached about four o'clock in
the afternoon.  This town stands in a valley, and the country for
more than a mile round it is cleared of wood and well cultivated.
The inhabitants appear to be very active and industrious, and seem
to have carried the system of agriculture to some degree of
perfection, for they collect the dung of their cattle into large
heaps during the dry season for the purpose of manuring their land
with it at the proper time.  I saw nothing like this in any other
part of Africa.  Near the town are several smelting furnaces, from
which the natives obtain very good iron.  They afterwards hammer the
metal into small bars, about a foot in length and two inches in
breadth, one of which bars is sufficient to make two Mandingo corn-
hoes.  On the morning after our arrival we were visited by a slatee
of this place, who informed Karfa that among some slaves he had
lately purchased was a native of Foota-Jalla, and as that country
was at no great distance he could not safely employ him in the
labours of the field, lest he should effect his escape.  The slatee
was therefore desirous of exchanging this slave for one of Karfa's,
and offered some cloth and shea-butter to induce Karfa to comply
with the proposal, which was accepted.  The slatee thereupon sent a
boy to order the slave in question to bring him a few ground-nuts.
The poor creature soon afterwards entered the court in which we were
sitting, having no suspicion of what was negotiating, until the
master caused the gate to be shut, and told him to sit down.  The
slave now saw his danger, and, perceiving the gate to be shut upon
him, threw down the nuts and jumped over the fence.  He was
immediately pursued and overtaken by the slatees, who brought him
back and secured him in irons, after which one of Karfa's slaves was
released and delivered in exchange.  The unfortunate captive was at
first very much dejected, but in the course of a few days his
melancholy gradually subsided, and he became at length as cheerful
as any of his companions.

Departing from Kirwani on the morning of the 20th we entered the
Tenda Wilderness, of two days' journey.  The woods were very thick,
and the country shelved towards the south-west.  About ten o'clock
we met a coffle of twenty-six people and seven loaded asses
returning from the Gambia.  Most of the men were armed with muskets,
and had broad belts of scarlet cloth over their shoulders and
European hats upon their heads.  They informed us that there was
very little demand for slaves on the coast, as no vessel had arrived
for some months past.  On hearing this the Serawoollies, who had
travelled with us from the Faleme River, separated themselves and
their slaves from the coffle.  They had not, they said, the means of
maintaining their slaves in Gambia until a vessel should arrive, and
were unwilling to sell them to disadvantage; they therefore departed
to the northward for Kajaaga.  We continued our route through the
wilderness, and travelled all day through a rugged country covered
with extensive thickets of bamboo.  At sunset, to our great joy, we
arrived at a pool of water near a large tabba-tree, whence the place
is called Tabbagee, and here we rested a few hours.  The water at
this season of the year is by no means plentiful in these woods, and
as the days were insufferably hot Karfa proposed to travel in the
night.  Accordingly about eleven o'clock the slaves were taken out
of their irons, and the people of the coffle received orders to keep
close together, as well to prevent the slaves from attempting to
escape as on account of the wild beasts.  We travelled with great
alacrity until daybreak, when it was discovered that a free woman
had parted from the coffle in the night; her name was called until
the woods resounded, but, no answer being given, we conjectured that
she had either mistaken the road or that a lion had seized her
unperceived.  At length it was agreed that four people should go
back a few miles to a small rivulet, where some of the coffle had
stopped to drink as we passed it in the night, and that the coffle
should wait for their return.  The sun was about an hour high before
the people came back with the woman, whom they found lying fast
asleep by the stream.  We now resumed our journey, and about eleven
o'clock reached a walled town called Tambacunda, where we were well
received.  Here we remained four days on account of a palaver which
was held on the following occasion:- Modi Lemina, one of the slatees
belonging to the coffle, had formerly married a woman of this town,
who had borne him two children; he afterwards went to Manding, and
remained there eight years without sending any account of himself
during all that time to his deserted wife, who, seeing no prospect
of his return, at the end of three years had married another man, to
whom she had likewise borne two children.  Lemina now claimed his
wife; but the second husband refused to deliver her up, insisting
that by the laws of Africa when a man has been three years absent
from his wife, without giving her notice of his being alive, the
woman is at liberty to marry again.  After all the circumstances had
been fully investigated in an assembly of the chief men, it was
determined that the wife should make her choice, and be at liberty
either to return to the first husband, or continue with the second,
as she alone should think proper.  Favourable as this determination
was to the lady, she found it a difficult matter to make up her
mind, and requested time for consideration; but I think I could
perceive that first love would carry the day.  Lemina was indeed
somewhat older than his rival, but he was also much richer.  What
weight this circumstance had in the scale of his wife's affections I
pretend not to say.

On the morning of the 26th, as we departed from Tambacunda, Karfa
observed to me that there were no shea-trees farther to the westward
than this town.  I had collected and brought with me from Manding
the leaves and flowers of this tree, but they were so greatly
bruised on the road that I thought it best to gather another
specimen at this place.  The appearance of the fruit evidently
places the shea-tree in the natural order of Sapotae, and it has
some resemblance to the mudhuca tree described by Lieutenant Charles
Hamilton in the "Asiatic Researches," vol. i., p. 300.

About one o'clock on the morning of the 26th we reached Sibikillin,
a walled village; but the inhabitants having the character of
inhospitality towards strangers, and of being much addicted to
theft, we did not think proper to enter the gate.  We rested a short
time under a tree, and then continued our route until it was dark,
when we halted for the night by a small stream running towards the
Gambia.  Next day the road led over a wild and rocky country,
everywhere rising into hills and abounding with monkeys and wild
beasts.  In the rivulets among the hills we found great plenty of
fish.  This was a very hard day's journey; and it was not until
sunset that we reached the village of Koomboo, near to which are the
ruins of a large town formerly destroyed by war.  The inhabitants of
Koomboo, like those of Sibikillin, have so bad a reputation that
strangers seldom lodge in the village; we accordingly rested for the
night in the fields, where we erected temporary huts for our
protection, there being great appearance of rain.

May 28.--We departed from Koomboo, and slept at a Foulah town, about
seven miles to the westward; from which, on the day following,
having crossed a considerable branch of the Gambia, called Neola
Koba, we reached a well-inhabited part of the country.  Here are
several towns within sight of each other, collectively called Tenda,
but each is distinguished also by its particular name.  We lodged at
one of them, called Koba Tenda, where we remained the day following,
in order to procure provisions for our support in crossing the
Simbani woods.  On the 30th we reached Jallacotta, a considerable
town, but much infested by Foulah banditti, who come through the
woods from Bondou and steal everything they can lay their hands on.
A few days before our arrival they had stolen twenty head of cattle,
and on the day following made a second attempt, but were beaten off
and one of them was taken prisoner.  Here one of the slaves
belonging to the coffle, who had travelled with great difficulty for
the last three days, was found unable to proceed any farther:  his
master (a singing man) proposed therefore to exchange him for a
young slave girl belonging to one of the townspeople.  The poor girl
was ignorant of her fate until the bundles were all tied up in the
morning, and the coffle ready to depart, when, coming with some
other young women to see the coffle set out, her master took her by
the hand, and delivered her to the singing man.  Never was a face of
serenity more suddenly changed into one of the deepest distress; the
terror she manifested on having the load put upon her head and the
rope fastened round her neck, and the sorrow with which she bade
adieu to her companions, were truly affecting.  About nine o'clock
we crossed a large plain covered with ciboa-trees (a species of
palm), and came to the river Nerico, a branch of the Gambia.  This
was but a small river at this time, but in the rainy season it is
often dangerous to travellers.  As soon as we had crossed this
river, the singing men began to vociferate a particular song,
expressive of their joy at having got safe into the west country,
or, as they expressed it, the land of the setting sun.  The country
was found to be very level, and the soil a mixture of clay and sand.
In the afternoon it rained hard, and we had recourse to the common
negro umbrella, a large ciboa-leaf, which, being placed upon the
head, completely defends the whole body from the rain.  We lodged
for the night under the shade of a large tabba-tree, near the ruins
of a village.  On the morning following we crossed a stream called
Noulico, and about two o'clock, to my infinite joy, I saw myself
once more on the banks of the Gambia, which at this place, being
deep and smooth, is navigable; but the people told me that a little
lower down the stream is so shallow that the coffles frequently
cross it on foot.

June 2.--We departed from Seesukunda and passed a number of
villages, at none of which was the coffle permitted to stop,
although we were all very much fatigued.  It was four o'clock in the
afternoon before we reached Baraconda, where we rested one day.
Departing from Baraconda on the morning of the 4th, we reached in a
few hours Medina, the capital of the king of Woolli's dominions,
from whom the reader may recollect I received an hospitable
reception in the beginning of December, 1795, in my journey
eastward.  I immediately inquired concerning the health of my good
old benefactor, and learned with great concern that he was
dangerously ill.  As Karfa would not allow the coffle to stop, I
could not present my respects to the king in person, but I sent him
word by the officer to whom we paid customs that his prayers for my
safety had not been unavailing.  We continued our route until
sunset, when we lodged at a small village a little to the westward
of Kootacunda, and on the day following arrived at Jindey, where,
eighteen months before, I had parted from my friend Dr. Laidley--an
interval during which I had not beheld the face of a Christian, nor
once heard the delightful sound of my native language.

Being now arrived within a short distance of Pisania, from whence my
journey originally commenced, and learning that my friend Karfa was
not likely to meet with an immediate opportunity of selling his
slaves on the Gambia, it occurred to me to suggest to him that he
would find it for his interest to leave them at Jindey until a
market should offer.  Karfa agreed with me in this opinion, and
hired from the chief man of the town huts for their accommodation,
and a piece of land on which to employ them in raising corn and
other provisions for their maintenance.  With regard to himself, he
declared that he would not quit me until my departure from Africa.
We set out accordingly--Karfa, myself, and one of the Foulahs
belonging to the coffle--early on the morning of the 9th; but
although I was now approaching the end of my tedious and toilsome
journey, and expected in another day to meet with countrymen and
friends, I could not part for the last time with my unfortunate
fellow-travellers--doomed, as I knew most of them to be, to a life
of captivity and slavery in a foreign land--without great emotion.
During a wearisome peregrination of more than five hundred British
miles, exposed to the burning rays of a tropical sun, these poor
slaves, amidst their own infinitely greater sufferings, would
commiserate mine, and, frequently of their own accord, bring water
to quench my thirst, and at night collect branches and leaves to
prepare me a bed in the wilderness.  We parted with reciprocal
expressions of regret and benediction.  My good wishes and prayers
were all I could bestow upon them, and it afforded me some
consolation to be told that they were sensible I had no more to
give.

My anxiety to get forward admitting of no delay on the road, we
reached Tendacunda in the evening, and were hospitably received at
the house of an aged black female called Seniora Camilla, a person
who resided many years at the English factory and spoke our
language.  I was known to her before I had left the Gambia at the
outset of my journey, but my dress and figure were now so different
from the usual appearance of a European that she was very excusable
in mistaking me for a Moor.  When I told her my name and country she
surveyed me with great astonishment, and seemed unwilling to give
credit to the testimony of her senses.  She assured me that none of
the traders on the Gambia ever expected to see me again, having been
informed long ago that the Moors of Ludamar had murdered me, as they
had murdered Major Houghton.  I inquired for my two attendants,
Johnson and Demba, and learnt with great sorrow that neither of them
was returned.  Karfa, who had never before heard people converse in
English, listened to us with great attention.  Everything he saw
seemed wonderful.  The furniture of the house, the chairs, &c., and
particularly beds with curtains, were objects of his great
admiration, and he asked me a thousand questions concerning the
utility and necessity of different articles, to some of which I
found it difficult to give satisfactory answers.

On the morning of the 10th Mr. Robert Ainsley, having learned that I
was at Tendacunda, came to meet me, and politely offered me the use
of his horse.  He informed me that Dr. Laidley had removed all his
property to a place called Kayee, a little farther down the river,
and that he was then gone to Doomasansa with his vessel to purchase
rice, but would return in a day or two.  He therefore invited me to
stay with him at Pisania until the doctor's return.  I accepted the
invitation, and being accompanied by my friend Karfa, reached
Pisania about ten o'clock.  Mr. Ainsley's schooner was lying at
anchor before the place.  This was the most surprising object which
Karfa had yet seen.  He could not easily comprehend the use of the
masts, sails, and rigging; nor did he conceive that it was possible,
by any sort of contrivance, to make so large a body move forwards by
the common force of the wind.  The manner of fastening together the
different planks which composed the vessel, and filling up the seams
so as to exclude the water, was perfectly new to him; and I found
that the schooner, with her cable and anchor, kept Karfa in deep
meditation the greater part of the day.

About noon on the 12th Dr. Laidley returned from Doomasansa and
received me with great joy and satisfaction, as one risen from the
dead.  Finding that the wearing apparel which I had left under his
care was not sold or sent to England, I lost no time in resuming the
English dress and disrobing my chin of its venerable encumbrance.
Karfa surveyed me in my British apparel with great delight, but
regretted exceedingly that I had taken off my beard, the loss of
which, he said, had converted me from a man into a boy.  Dr. Laidley
readily undertook to discharge all the pecuniary engagements which I
had entered into since my departure from the Gambia, and took my
draft upon the association for the amount.  My agreement with Karfa
(as I have already related) was to pay him the value of one prime
slave, for which I had given him my bill upon Dr. Laidley before we
departed from Kamalia; for in case of my death on the road I was
unwilling that my benefactor should be a loser.  But this good
creature had continued to manifest towards me so much kindness that
I thought I made him but an inadequate recompense when I told him
that he was now to receive double the sum I had originally promised;
and Dr. Laidley assured him that he was ready to deliver the goods
to that amount whenever he thought proper to send for them.  Karfa
was overpowered by this unexpected token of my gratitude, and still
more so when he heard that I intended to send a handsome present to
the good old schoolmaster, Fankooma, at Malacotta.  He promised to
carry up the goods along with his own; and Dr. Laidley assured him
that he would exert himself in assisting him to dispose of his
slaves to the best advantage the moment a slave vessel should
arrive.  These and other instances of attention and kindness shown
him by Dr. Laidley were not lost upon Karfa.  He would often say to
me, "My journey has indeed been prosperous!" But observing the
improved state of our manufactures and our manifest superiority in
the arts of civilised life, he would sometimes appear pensive, and
exclaim, with an involuntary sigh, Fato fing inta feng ("Black men
are nothing")!  At other times he would ask me, with great
seriousness, what could possibly have induced me, who was no trader,
to think of exploring so miserable a country as Africa.  He meant by
this to signify that, after what I must have witnessed in my own
country, nothing in Africa could in his opinion deserve a moment's
attention.  I have preserved these little traits of character in
this worthy negro, not only from regard to the man, but also because
they appear to me to demonstrate that he possessed a mind ABOVE HIS
CONDITION.  And to such of my readers as love to contemplate human
nature in all its varieties, and to trace its progress from rudeness
to refinement, I hope the account I have given of this poor African
will not be unacceptable.

No European vessel had arrived at Gambia for many months previous to
my return from the interior, and as the rainy season was now setting
in I persuaded Karfa to return to his people at Jindey.  He parted
with me on the 14th with great tenderness; but as I had little hopes
of being able to quit Africa for the remainder of the year, I told
him, as the fact was, that I expected to see him again before my
departure.  In this, however, I was luckily disappointed, and my
narrative now hastens to its conclusion; for on the 15th, the ship
Charlestown, an American vessel, commanded by Mr. Charles Harris,
entered the river.  She came for slaves, intending to touch at Goree
to fill up, and to proceed from thence to South Carolina.  As the
European merchants on the Gambia had at this time a great many
slaves on hand, they agreed with the captain to purchase the whole
of his cargo, consisting chiefly of rum and tobacco, and deliver him
slaves to the amount in the course of two days.  This afforded me
such an opportunity of returning, though by a circuitous route, to
my native country as I thought was not to be neglected.  I therefore
immediately engaged my passage in this vessel for America; and
having taken leave of Dr. Laidley, to whose kindness I was so
largely indebted, and my other friends on the river, I embarked at
Kayee on the 17th day of June.

Our passage down the river was tedious and fatiguing; and the
weather was so hot, moist, and unhealthy, that before our arrival at
Goree four of the seamen, the surgeon, and three of the slaves had
died of fevers.  At Goree we were detained, for want of provisions,
until the beginning of October.

The number of slaves received on board this vessel, both on the
Gambia and at Goree, was one hundred and thirty, of whom about
twenty-five had been, I suppose, of free condition in Africa, as
most of those, being bushreens, could write a little Arabic.  Nine
of them had become captives in the religious war between Abdulkader
and Damel, mentioned in the latter part of the preceding chapter.
Two of the others had seen me as I passed through Bondou, and many
of them had heard of me in the interior countries.  My conversation
with them, in their native language, gave them great comfort; and as
the surgeon was dead I consented to act in a medical capacity in his
room for the remainder of the voyage.  They had in truth need of
every consolation in my power to bestow; not that I observed any
wanton acts of cruelty practised either by the master or the seamen
towards them, but the mode of confining and securing negroes in the
American slave-ships (owing chiefly to the weakness of their crews)
being abundantly more rigid and severe than in British vessels
employed in the same traffic, made these poor creatures to suffer
greatly, and a general sickness prevailed amongst them.  Besides the
three who died on the Gambia, and six or eight while we remained at
Goree, eleven perished at sea, and many of the survivors were
reduced to a very weak and emaciated condition.

In the midst of these distresses the vessel, after having been three
weeks at sea, became so extremely leaky as to require constant
exertion at the pumps.  It was found necessary therefore to take
some of the ablest of the negro men out of irons and employ them in
this labour, in which they were often worked beyond their strength.
This produced a complication of miseries not easily to be described.
We were, however, relieved much sooner than I expected, for, the
leak continuing to gain upon us, notwithstanding our utmost
exertions to clear the vessel, the seamen insisted on bearing away
for the West Indies, as affording the only chance of saving our
lives.  Accordingly, after some objections on the part of the
master, we directed our course for Antigua, and fortunately made
that island in about thirty-five days after our departure from
Goree.  Yet even at this juncture we narrowly escaped destruction,
for on approaching the north-west side of the island we struck on
the Diamond Rock and got into St. John's Harbour with great
difficulty.  The vessel was afterwards condemned as unfit for sea,
and the slaves, as I have heard, were ordered to be sold for the
benefit of the owners.

At this island I remained ten days, when the Chesterfield packet,
homeward bound from the Leeward Islands, touching at St. John's for
the Antigua mail, I took my passage in that vessel.  We sailed on
the 24th of November, and after a short but tempestuous voyage
arrived at Falmouth on the 22nd of December, from whence I
immediately set out for London; having been absent from England two
years and seven months.



NOTE



The following passage from James Montgomery's poem, "The West
Indies," published in 1810, was inspired by "Mungo Park's Travels in
the Interior of Africa."  It enshrines in English verse the
beautiful incident of the negro woman's song of "Charity" (on page
190 of the first of these two volumes), and closes with the poet's
blessing upon Mungo Park himself, who had sailed five years before
upon the second journey, from which he had not returned, and whose
fate did not become known until five years later.


Man, through all ages of revolving time,
Unchanging man, in every varying clime,
Deems his own land of every land the pride,
Beloved by Heaven o'er all the world beside;
His home the spot of earth supremely blest,
A dearer, sweeter spot than all the rest.

   And is the Negro outlawed from his birth?
Is he alone a stranger on the earth?
Is there no shed whose peeping roof appears
So lovely that it fills his eyes with tears?
No land, whose name, in exile heard, will dart
Ice through his veins and lightning through his heart?
Ah! yes; beneath the beams of brighter skies
His home amidst his father's country lies;
There with the partner of his soul he shares
Love-mingled pleasures, love-divided cares;
There, as with nature's warmest filial fire,
He soothes his blind and feeds his helpless sire;
His children, sporting round his hut, behold
How they shall cherish him when he is old,
Trained by example from their tenderest youth
To deeds of charity and words of truth.
Is HE not blest?  Behold, at closing day,
The Negro village swarms abroad to play;
He treads the dance, through all its rapturous rounds,
To the wild music of barbarian sounds;
Or, stretched at ease where broad palmettos shower
Delicious coolness in his shadowy bower,
He feasts on tales of witchcraft, that give birth
To breathless wonder or ecstatic mirth:
Yet most delighted when, in rudest rhymes,
The minstrel wakes the song of elder times,
When men were heroes, slaves to Beauty's charms,
And all the joys of life were love and arms.
Is not the Negro blest?  His generous soil
With harvest plenty crowns his simple toil;
More than his wants his flocks and fields afford:
He loves to greet a stranger at his board:
"The winds were roaring and the White Man fled;
The rains of night descended on his head;
The poor White Man sat down beneath our tree:
Weary and faint and far from home was he:
For him no mother fills with milk the bowl,
No wife prepares the bread to cheer his soul.
Pity the poor White Man, who sought our tree;
No wife, no mother, and no home has he."
Thus sung the Negro's daughters;--once again,
O that the poor White Man might hear that strain!
Whether the victim of the treacherous Moor,
Or from the Negro's hospitable door
Spurned as a spy from Europe's hateful clime,
And left to perish for thy country's crime,
Or destined still, when all thy wanderings cease,
On Albion's lovely lap to rest in peace,
Pilgrim! in heaven or earth, where'er thou be,
Angels of mercy guide and comfort thee!


A note to the same poem gives the following record of facts,
substantiated in a court of justice, in which there can be only one
answer to the question, "Which were the savages?"


"In this year (1783) certain underwriters desired to be heard
against Gregson and others of Liverpool, in the case of the ship
Zong, Captain Collingwood, alleging that the captain and officers of
the said vessel threw overboard one hundred and thirty-two slaves
alive into the sea, in order to defraud them by claiming the value
of the said slaves, as if they had been lost in a natural way.  In
the course of the trial which afterwards came on, it appeared that
the slaves on board the Zong were very sickly; that sixty of them
had already died, and several were ill and likely to die, when the
captain proposed to James Kelsal, the mate, and others to throw
several of them overboard, stating that 'if they died a natural
death, the loss would fall upon the owners of the ship, but that if
they were thrown into the sea, it would fall upon the underwriters.'
He selected accordingly one hundred and thirty-two of the most
sickly of the slaves.  Fifty-four of these were immediately thrown
overboard, and forty-two were made to be partakers of their fate on
the succeeding day.  In the course of three days afterwards the
remaining twenty-six were brought upon deck to complete the number
of victims.  The first sixteen submitted to be thrown into the sea,
but the rest, with a noble resolution, would not suffer the offices
to touch them, but leaped after their companions and shared their
fate.

"The plea which was set up in behalf of this atrocious and
unparalleled act of wickedness was that the captain discovered, when
he made the proposal, that he had only two hundred gallons of water
on board, and that he had missed his port.  It was proved, however,
in answer to this, that no one had been put upon short allowance;
and that, as if Providence had determined to afford an unequivocal
proof of the guilt, a shower of rain fell, and continued for three
days, immediately after the second lot of slaves had been destroyed,
by means of which they might have filled many of their vessels with
water, and thus have prevented all necessity for the destruction of
the third.

"Mr. Granville Sharp (who after many years of struggle first
obtained the decision of a court of justice that there ARE no slaves
in England) was present at this trial, and procured the attendance
of a shorthand writer to take down the facts which should come out
in the course of it.  These he gave to the public afterwards.  He
communicated them also, with a copy of the trial, to the Lords of
the Admiralty, as the guardians of justice upon the seas, and to the
Duke of Portland, as principal Minister of state.  No notice,
however, was taken by any of these of the information which had been
thus sent them."


Another incident of the Middle Passage suggested to James Montgomery
a poem called "The Voyage of the Blind."


"It was that fatal and perfidious bark,
Built in the eclipse, and rigged with curses dark."
MILTON'S Lycidas.


The ship Le Rodeur, Captain B., of 200 tons burthen, left Havre on
the 24th of January, 1819, for the coast of Africa, and reached her
destination on the 14th of March following, anchoring at Bonny, on
the river Calabar.  The crew, consisting of twenty-two men, enjoyed
good health during the outward voyage and during their stay at
Bonny, where they continued till the 6th of April.  They had
observed no trace of ophthalmia among the natives; and it was not
until fifteen days after they had set sail on the return voyage, and
the vessel was near the equator, that they perceived the first
symptoms of this frightful malady.  It was then remarked that the
negroes, who to the number of 160 were crowded together in the hold
and between the decks, had contracted a considerable redness of the
eyes, which spread with singular rapidity.  No great attention was
at first paid to these symptoms, which were thought to be caused
only by the want of air in the hold, and by the scarcity of water,
which had already begun to be felt.  At this time they were limited
to eight ounces of water a day for each person, which quantity was
afterwards reduced to the half of a wine-glass.  By the advice of M.
Maugnan, the surgeon of the ship, the negroes, who had hitherto
remained shut up in the hold, were brought upon deck in succession,
in order that they might breathe a purer air.  But it became
necessary to abandon this expedient, salutary as it was, because
many of the negroes, affected with nostalgia (a passionate longing
to return to their native land), threw themselves into the sea,
locked in each other's arms.

The disease, which had spread itself so rapidly and frightfully
among the Africans, soon began to infect all on board.  The danger
also was greatly increased by a malignant dysentery which prevailed
at the time.  The first of the crew who caught it was a sailor who
slept under the deck near the grated hatch which communicated with
the hold.  The next day a landsman was seized with ophthalmia; and
in three days more the captain and the whole ship's company, except
one sailor, who remained at the helm, were blinded by the disorder.

All means of cure which the surgeon employed, while he was able to
act, proved ineffectual.  The sufferings of the crew, which were
otherwise intense, were aggravated by apprehension of revolt among
the negroes, and the dread of not being able to reach the West
Indies, if the only sailor who had hitherto escaped the contagion,
and on whom their whole hope rested, should lose his sight, like the
rest.  This calamity had actually befallen the Leon, a Spanish
vessel which the Rodeur met on her passage, and the whole of whose
crew, having become blind, were under the necessity of altogether
abandoning the direction of their ship.  These unhappy creatures, as
they passed, earnestly entreated the charitable interference of the
seamen of the Rodeur; but these, under their own affliction, could
neither quit their vessel to go on board the Leon, nor receive the
crew of the latter into the Rodeur, where, on account of the cargo
of negroes, there was scarcely room for themselves.  The vessels
therefore soon parted company, and the Leon was never seen nor heard
of again, so far as could be traced at the publication of this
narrative.  In all probability, then, it was lost.  On the fate of
THIS vessel the poem is founded.

The Rodeur reached Guadaloupe on the 21st of June, 1819, her crew
being in a most deplorable condition.  Of the negroes, thirty-seven
had become perfectly blind, twelve had lost each an eye, and
fourteen remained otherwise blemished by the disease.  Of the crew,
twelve, including the surgeon, had entirely lost their sight; five
escaped with an eye each, and four were partially injured.



Footnotes:



{1}  I should have before observed that I found the language of
Bambarra a sort of corrupted Mandingo.  After a little practice, I
understood and spoke it without difficulty.

{2}  There is another town of this name hereafter to be mentioned.

{3}  From a plant called kabba, that climbs like a vine upon the
trees.

{4}  Soon after baptism the children are marked in different parts
of the skin, in a manner resembling what is called tattooing in the
South Sea Islands.

{5}  Chap. xxxi. vv. 26-28.

{6}   Poisoned arrows are used chiefly in war.  The poison, which is
said to be very deadly, is prepared from a shrub called koono (a
species of echites), which is very common in the woods.  The leaves
of this shrub, when boiled with a small quantity of water, yield a
thick black juice, into which the negroes dip a cotton thread:  this
thread they fasten round the iron of the arrow in such a manner that
it is almost impossible to extract the arrow, when it has sunk
beyond the barbs, without leaving the iron point and the poisoned
thread in the wound.

{7}  A minkalli is a quantity of gold nearly equal in value to ten
shillings sterling.

{8}  This is a large, spreading tree (a species of sterculia) under
which the bentang is commonly placed.

{9}  When a negro takes up goods on credit from any of the Europeans
on the coast, and does not make payment at the time appointed, the
European is authorised by the laws of the country to seize upon the
debtor himself, if he can find him, or, if he cannot be found, on
any person of his family; or, in the last resort, on ANY NATIVE OF
THE SAME KINGDOM.  The person thus seized on is detained, while his
friends are sent in quest of the debtor.  When he is found, a
meeting is called of the chief people of the place, and the debtor
is compelled to ransom his friend by fulfilling his engagements.  If
he is unable to do this, his person is immediately secured and sent
down to the coast, and the other released.  If the debtor cannot be
found, the person seized on is obliged to pay double the amount of
the debt, or is himself sold into slavery.  I was given to
understand, however, that this part of the law is seldom enforced.




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