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Title: Sabbath in Puritan New England

Author: Alice Morse Earle

Posting Date: April 8, 2014 [EBook #8659]
Release Date: August, 2005
First Posted: July 30, 2003

Language: English

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THE SABBATH IN PURITAN NEW ENGLAND

by

Alice Morse Earle

Seventh Edition




To the Memory of my Mother.



Contents.



     I.  The New England Meeting-House
    II.  The Church Militant
   III.  By Drum and Horn and Shell
    IV.  The Old-Fashioned Pews
     V.  Seating the Meeting
    VI.  The Tithingman and the Sleepers
   VII.  The Length of the Service
  VIII.  The Icy Temperature of the Meeting-House
    IX.  The Noon-House
     X.  The Deacon's Office
    XI.  The Psalm-Book of the Pilgrims
   XII.  The Bay Psalm-Book
  XIII.  Sternhold and Hopkins' Version of the Psalms
   XIV.  Other Old Psalm-Books
    XV.  The Church Music
   XVI.  The Interruptions of the Services
  XVII.  The Observance of the Day
 XVIII.  The Authority of the Church and the Ministers
   XIX.  The Ordination of the Minister
    XX.  The Ministers
   XXI.  The Ministers' Pay
  XXII.  The Plain-Speaking Puritan Pulpit
 XXIII.  The Early Congregations






The Sabbath in Puritan New England.




I.

The New England Meeting-House.



When the Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth they at once assigned a Lord's
Day meeting-place for the Separatist church,--"a timber fort both strong
and comely, with flat roof and battlements;" and to this fort, every
Sunday, the men and women walked reverently, three in a row, and in it they
worshipped until they built for themselves a meeting-house in 1648.

As soon as each successive outlying settlement was located and established,
the new community built a house for the purpose of assembling therein for
the public worship of God; this house was called a meeting-house. Cotton
Mather said distinctly that he "found no just ground in Scripture to apply
such a trope as church to a house for public assembly." The church, in the
Puritan's way of thinking, worshipped in the meeting-house, and he was as
bitterly opposed to calling this edifice a church as he was to calling the
Sabbath Sunday. His favorite term for that day was the Lord's Day.

The settlers were eager and glad to build their meeting-houses; for these
houses of God were to them the visible sign of the establishment of that
theocracy which they had left their fair homes and had come to New England
to create and perpetuate. But lest some future settlements should be slow
or indifferent about doing their duty promptly, it was enacted in 1675 that
a meeting-house should be erected in every town in the colony; and if the
people failed to do so at once, the magistrates were empowered to build it,
and to charge the cost of its erection to the town. The number of members
necessary to establish a separate church was very distinctly given in the
Platform of Church Discipline: "A church ought not to be of greater number
than can ordinarilie meet convenientlie in one place, nor ordinarilie
fewer than may convenientlie carry on church-work." Each church was quite
independent in its work and government, and had absolute power to admit,
expel, control, and censure its members.

These first meeting-houses were simple buildings enough,--square log-houses
with clay-filled chinks, surmounted by steep roofs thatched with long
straw or grass, and often with only the beaten earth for a floor. It was
considered a great advance and a matter of proper pride when the settlers
had the meeting-house "lathed on the inside, and so daubed and whitened
over workmanlike." The dimensions of many of these first essays at church
architecture are known to us, and lowly little structures they were. One,
indeed, is preserved for us under cover at Salem. The first meeting-house
in Dedham was thirty-six feet long, twenty feet wide, and twelve feet high
"in the stud;" the one in Medford was smaller still; and the Haverhill
edifice was only twenty-six feet long and twenty wide, yet "none other than
the house of God."

As the colonists grew in wealth and numbers, they desired and built better
sanctuaries, "good roomthy meeting-houses" they were called by Judge
Sewall, the most valued and most interesting journal-keeper of the times.
The rude early buildings were then converted into granaries or storehouses,
or, as was the Pentucket meeting-house, into a "house of shelter or a house
to sett horses in." As these meeting-houses had not been consecrated, and
as they were town-halls, forts, or court-houses as well as meeting-houses,
the humbler uses to which they were finally put were not regarded as
profanations of holy places.

The second form or type of American church architecture was a square wooden
building, usually unpainted, crowned with a truncated pyramidal roof, which
was surmounted (if the church could afford such luxury) with a belfry or
turret containing a bell. The old church at Hingham, the "Old Ship" which
was built in 1681, is still standing, a well-preserved example of this
second style of architecture. These square meeting-houses, so much alike,
soon abounded in New England; for a new church, in its contract for
building, would often specify that the structure should be "like in every
detaile to the Lynn meeting-house," or like the Hadley, Milford, Boston,
Danvers, or New Haven meeting-house. This form of edifice was the prototype
of the fine great First Church of Boston, a large square brick building,
with three rows of windows and two galleries, which stood from the year
1713 to 1808, and of which many pictures exist.

The third form of the Puritan meeting-house, of which the Old South Church
of Boston is a typical model, has too many representatives throughout New
England to need any description, as have also the succeeding forms of New
England church architecture.

The first meeting-houses were often built in the valleys, in the meadow
lands; for the dwelling-houses must be clustered around them, since the
colonists were ordered by law to build their new homes within half a mile
of the meeting-house. Soon, however, the houses became too closely crowded
for the most convenient uses of a farming community; pasturage for the
cattle had to be obtained at too great a distance from the farmhouse;
firewood had to be brought from too distant woods; nearness to water
also had to be considered. Thus the law became a dead letter, and each
new-coming settler built on outlying and remote land, since the Indians
were no longer so deeply to be dreaded. Then the meeting-houses, having
usually to accommodate a whole township of scattered farms, were placed on
remote and often highly elevated locations; sometimes at the very top of a
long, steep hill,--so long and so steep in some cases, especially in one
Connecticut parish, that church attendants could not ride down on horseback
from the pinnacled meeting-house, but were forced to scramble down, leading
their horses, and mount from a horse-block at the foot of the hill. The
second Roxbury church was set on a high hill, and the story is fairly
pathetic of the aged and feeble John Eliot, the glory of New England
Puritanism, that once, as he toiled patiently up the long ascent to his
dearly loved meeting, he said to the person on whose supporting arm he
leaned (in the Puritan fashion of teaching a lesson from any event and
surrounding): "This is very like the way to heaven; 'tis uphill. The Lord
by His grace fetch us up."

The location on a hilltop was chosen and favored for various reasons. The
meeting-house was at first a watch-house, from which to keep vigilant
lookout for any possible approach of hostile or sneaking Indians; it was
also a landmark, whose high bell-turret, or steeple, though pointing to
heaven, was likewise a guide on earth, for, thus stationed on a high
elevation, it could be seen for miles around by travellers journeying
through the woods, or in the narrow, tree-obscured bridle-paths which were
then almost the only roads. In seaside towns it could be a mark for for
sailors at sea; such was the Truro meeting-house. Then, too, our Puritan
ancestors dearly loved a "sightly location," and were willing to climb
uphill cheerfully, even through bleak New England winters, for the sake of
having a meeting-house which showed off well, and was a proper source of
envy to the neighboring villages and the country around. The studiously
remote and painfully inaccessible locations chosen for the site of many
fine, roomy churches must astonish any observing traveller on the byroads
of New England. Too often, alas! these churches are deserted, falling down,
unopened from year to year, destitute alike of minister and congregation.
Sometimes, too, on high hilltops, or on lonesome roads leading through a
tall second growth of woods, deserted and neglected old graveyards--the
most lonely and forlorn of all sad places--by their broken and fallen
headstones, which surround a half-filled-in and uncovered cellar, show
that once a meeting-house for New England Christians had stood there. Tall
grass, and a tangle of blackberry brambles cover the forgotten graves,
and perhaps a spire of orange tiger-lilies, a shrub of southernwood or of
winter-killed and dying box, may struggle feebly for life under the shadow
of the "plumed ranks of tall wild cherry," and prove that once these lonely
graves were cared for and loved for the sake of those who lie buried in
this now waste spot. No traces remain of the old meeting-house save the
cellar and the narrow stone steps, sadly leading nowhere, which once were
pressed by the feet of the children of the Pilgrims, but now are trodden
only by the curious and infrequent passer-by, or the epitaph-seeking
antiquary.

It is difficult often to understand the details in the descriptions of
these early meeting-houses, the colonial spelling is so widely varied,
and so cleverly ingenious. Uniformity of spelling is a strictly modern
accomplishment, a hampering innovation. "A square roofe without Dormans,
with two Lucoms on each side," means, I think, without dormer windows, and
with luthern windows. Another church paid a bill for the meeting-house roof
and the "Suppolidge." They had "turritts" and "turetts" and "turits" and
"turyts" and "feriats" and "tyrryts" and "toryttes" and "turiotts" and
"chyrits," which were one and the same thing; and one church had orders
for "juyces and rayles and nayles and bymes and tymber and gaybels and a
pulpyt, and three payr of stayrs," in its meeting-house,--a liberal supply
of the now fashionable _y_'s. We read of "pinakles" and "pyks" and
"shuthers" and "scaffills" and "bimes" and "lynters" and "bathyns" and
"chymbers" and "bellfers;" and often in one entry the same word will be
spelt in three or four different ways. Here is a portion of a contract in
the records of the Roxbury church: "Sayd John is to fence in the Buring
Plas with a Fesy ston wall, sefighiattly don for Strenk and workmanship
as also to mark a Doball gatt 6 or 8 fote wid and to hing it."
_Sefighiattly_ is "sufficiently;" but who can translate "Fesy"? can it
mean "facy" or faced smoothly?

The church-raising was always a great event in the town. Each citizen was
forced by law to take part in or contribute to "raring the Meeting hows."
In early days nails were scarce,--so scarce that unprincipled persons set
fire to any buildings which chanced to be temporarily empty, for the sake
of obtaining the nails from the ruins; so each male inhabitant supplied
to the new church a certain "amount of nayles." Not only were logs, and
lumber, and the use of horses' and men's labor given, but a contribution
was also levied for the inevitable barrel of rum and its unintoxicating
accompaniments. "Rhum and Cacks" are frequent entries in the account books
of early churches. No wonder that accidents were frequent, and that men
fell from the scaffolding and were killed, as at the raising of the
Dunstable meeting-house. When the Medford people built their second
meeting-house, they provided for the workmen and bystanders, five barrels
of rum, one barrel of good brown sugar, a box of fine lemons, and two
loaves of sugar. As a natural consequence, two thirds of the frame fell,
and many were injured. In Northampton, in 1738, ten gallons of rum were
bought for £8 "to raise the meeting-house"--and the village doctor got "£3
for setting his bone Jonathan Strong, and £3 10s. for setting Ebenezer
Burt's thy" which had somehow through the rum or the raising, both gotten
broken. Sometimes, as in Pittsfield in 1671, the sum of four shillings was
raised on every acre of land in the town, and three shillings a day were
paid to every man who came early to work, while one shilling a day was
apportioned to each worker for his rum and sugar. At last no liquor was
allowed to the workmen until after the day's work was over, and thus fatal
accidents were prevented.

The earliest meeting-houses had oiled paper in the windows to admit the
light. A Pilgrim colonist wrote to an English friend about to emigrate,
"Bring oiled paper for your windows." Higginson, however, writing in 1629,
asks for "glasse for windowes." When glass was used it was not set in the
windows as now. We find frequent entries of "glasse and nayles for it," and
in Newbury, in 1665, the church ordered that the "Glasse in the windows
be ... look't to if any should happen to be loosed with winde to be nailed
close again." The glass was in lozenge-shaped panes, set in lead in the
form of two long narrow sashes opening in the middle from top to bottom,
and it was many years before oblong or square panes came into common use.

These early churches were destitute of shade, for the trees in the
immediate vicinity were always cut down on account of dread of the fierce
fires which swept often through the forests and overwhelmed and destroyed
the towns. The heat and blazing light in summer were as hard to bear in
these unscreened meeting-houses as was the cold in winter.

  "Old house of Puritanic wood,
  Through whose unpainted windows streamed,
  On seats as primitive and rude
  As Jacob's pillow when he dreamed,
  The white and undiluted day."

We have all heard the theory advanced that it is impossible there should be
any true religious feeling, any sense of sanctity, in a garish and bright
light,--"the white and undiluted day,"--but I think no one can doubt that
to the Puritans these seething, glaring, pine-smelling hothouses were truly
God's dwelling-place, though there was no "dim, religious light" within.

Curtains and window-blinds were unknown, and the sunlight streamed in with
unobstructed and unbroken rays. Heavy shutters for protection were often
used, but to close them at time of service would have been to plunge
the church into utter darkness. Permission was sometimes given, as in
Haverhill, to "sett up a shed outside of the window to keep out the heat of
the sun there,"--a very roundabout way to accomplish a very simple end. As
years passed on, trees sprang up and grew apace, and too often the churches
became overhung and heavily shadowed by dense, sombre spruce, cedar, and
fir trees. A New England parson was preaching in a neighboring church which
was thus gloomily surrounded. He gave out as his text, "Why do the wicked
live?" and as he peered in the dim light at his manuscript, he exclaimed
abruptly, "I hope they will live long enough to cut down this great
hemlock-tree back of the pulpit window." Another minister, Dr. Storrs,
having struggled to read his sermon in an ill-lighted, gloomy church, said
he would never speak in that building again while it was so overshadowed
with trees. A few years later he was invited to preach to the same
congregation; but when he approached the church, and saw the great
umbrageous tree still standing, he rode away, and left the people
sermonless in their darkness. The chill of these sunless, unheated
buildings in winter can well be imagined.

Strange and grotesque decorations did the outside of the earliest
meeting-houses bear,--grinning wolves' heads nailed under the windows and
by the side of the door, while splashes of blood, which had dripped
from the severed neck, reddened the logs beneath. The wolf, for his
destructiveness, was much more dreaded by the settlers than the bear,
which did not so frequently attack the flocks. Bears were plentiful enough.
The history of Roxbury states that in 1725, in one week in September,
twenty bears were killed within two miles of Boston. This bear story
requires unlimited faith in Puritan probity, and confidence in Puritan
records to credit it, but believe it, ye who can, as I do! In Salem and in
Ipswich, in 1640, any man who brought a living wolf to the meeting-house
was paid fifteen shillings by the town; if the wolf were dead, ten
shillings. In 1664, if the wolf-killer wished to obtain the reward, he was
ordered to bring the wolf's head and "nayle it to the meeting-house and
give notis thereof." In Hampton, the inhabitants were ordered to "nayle the
same to a little red oake tree at northeast end of the meeting-house." One
man in Newbury, in 1665, killed seven wolves, and was paid the reward
for so doing. This was a great number, for the wary wolf was not easily
destroyed either by musket or wolf-hook. In 1723 wolves were so abundant
in Ipswich that parents would not suffer their children to go to and from
church and school without the attendance of some grown person. As late as
1746 wolves made sad havoc in Woodbury, Connecticut; and a reward of five
dollars for each wolf's head was offered by law in that township in 1853.

In 1718 the last public reward was paid in Salem for a wolf's head, but
so late as the year 1779 the howls of wolves were heard every night in
Newbury, though trophies of shrivelled wolves' heads no longer graced the
walls of the meeting-house.

All kinds of notices and orders and regulations and "bills" were posted on
the meeting-house, often on the door, where they would greet the eye of
all who entered: prohibitions from selling guns and powder to the Indians,
notices of town meetings, intentions of marriage, copies of the laws
against Sabbath-breaking, messages from the Quakers, warnings of "vandoos"
and sales, lists of the town officers, and sometimes scandalous and
insulting libels, and libels in verse, which is worse, for our forefathers
dearly loved to rhyme on all occasions. On the meeting-house green stood
those Puritanical instruments of punishment, the stocks, whipping-post,
pillory, and cage; and on lecture days the stocks and pillory were
often occupied by wicked or careless colonists, or those everlasting
pillory-replenishers, the Quakers. It is one of the unintentionally comic
features of absurd colonial laws and punishments in which the early legal
records so delightfully abound, that the first man who was sentenced to and
occupied the stocks in Boston was the carpenter who made them. He was thus
fitly punished for his extortionate charge to the town for the lumber
he used in their manufacture. This was rather better than "making the
punishment fit the crime," since the Boston magistrates managed to force
the criminal to furnish his own punishment. In Shrewsbury, also, the
unhappy man who first tested the wearisome capacity and endured the public
mortication of the town's stocks was the man who made them. He "builded
better than he knew." Pillories were used as a means of punishment until
a comparatively recent date,--in Salem until the year 1801, and in Boston
till 1803.

Great horse-blocks, rows of stepping-stones, or hewn logs further graced
the meeting-house green; and occasionally one fine horse-block, such as the
Concord women proudly erected, and paid for by a contribution of a pound of
butter from each house-wife.

The meeting-house not only was employed for the worship of God and for town
meetings, but it was a storehouse as well. Until after the Revolutionary
War it was universally used as a powder magazine; and indeed, as no fire in
stove or fireplace was ever allowed within, it was a safe enough place for
the explosive material. In Hanover, the powder room was in the steeple,
while in Quincy the "powder-closite" was in the beams of the roof. Whenever
there chanced to be a thunderstorm during the time of public worship, the
people of Beverly ran out under the trees, and in other towns they left
the meeting-house if the storm seemed severe or near; still they built no
powder houses. Grain, too, was stored in the loft of the meeting-house for
safety; hatches were built, and often the corn paid to the minister was
placed there. "Leantos," or "linters," were sometimes built by the side of
the building for use for storage. In Springfield, Mr. Pyncheon was allowed
to place his corn in the roof chamber of the meeting-house; but as the
people were afraid that the great weight might burst the floor, he was
forbidden to store more than four hundred bushels at a time, unless he
"underpropped the floor."

In one church in the Connecticut valley, in a township where it was
forbidden that tobacco be smoked upon the public streets, the church
loft was used to dry and store the freshly cut tobacco-leaves which the
inhabitants sold to the "ungodly Dutch." Thus did greed for gain lead even
blue Connecticut Christians to profane the house of God.

The early meeting-houses in country parishes were seldom painted, such
outward show being thought vain and extravagant. In the middle of the
eighteenth century paint became cheaper and more plentiful, and a gay
rivalry in church-decoration sprang up. One meeting-house had to be as fine
as its neighbor. Votes were taken, "rates were levied," gifts were asked
in every town to buy "colour" for the meeting-house. For instance, the new
meeting-house in Pomfret, Connecticut, was painted bright yellow; it proved
a veritable golden apple of discord throughout the county. Windham town
quickly voted that its meeting-house be "coloured something like the
Pomfret meeting-house." Killingly soon ordered that the "cullering of the
body of our meeting-house should be like the Pomfret meeting-house, and the
Roff shal be cullered Read." Brooklyn church then, in 1762, ordered that
the outside of its meeting-house be "culered" in the approved fashion.
The body of the house was painted a bright orange; the doors and "bottom
boards" a warm chocolate color; the "window-jets," corner-boards, and
weather-boards white. What a bright nosegay of color! As a crowning glory
Brooklyn people put up an "Eleclarick Rod" on the gorgeous edifice, and
proudly boasted that--Brooklyn meeting-house was the "newest biggest and
yallowest" in the county. One old writer, however, spoke scornfully of the
spirit of envious emulation, extravagance, and bad taste that spread and
prevailed from the example of the foolish and useless "colouring" of the
Pomfret meeting-house.

Within the meeting-house all was simple enough: raftered walls, sanded
floors, rows of benches, a few pews, and the pulpit, or the "scaffold,"
as John Cotton called it. The bare rafters were often profusely hung with
dusty spiders' webs, and were the home also of countless swallows, that
flew in and out of the open bell-turret. Sometimes, too, mischievous
squirrels, attracted by the corn in the meeting-house loft, made their
homes in the sanctuary; and they were so prolific and so omnivorous that
the Bible and the pulpit cushions were not safe from their nibbling
attacks. On every Sunday afternoon the Word of God and its sustaining
cushion had to be removed to the safe shelter of a neighboring farmhouse or
tavern, to prevent total annihilation by these Puritanical, Bible-loving
squirrels.

The pulpits were often pretentious, even in the plain and undecorated
meeting-houses, and were usually high desks, to which a narrow flight of
stairs led. In the churches of the third stage of architecture, these
stairs were often inclosed in a towering hexagonal mahogany structure,
which was ornamented with pillars and panels. Into this the minister
walked, closed the door behind him, and invisibly ascended the stairs;
while the children counted the seconds from the time he closed the door
until his head appeared through the trap-door at the top of the pulpit. The
form known as a tub-pulpit was very popular in the larger churches. The
pulpit of one old, unpainted church retained until the middle of this
century, as its sole decoration, an enormous, carefully painted, staring
eye, a terrible and suggestive illustration to youthful wrong-doers of the
great, all-seeing eye of God.

As the ceiling and rafters were so open and reverberating, it was generally
thought imperative to hang above the pulpit a great sounding-board, which
threatened the minister like a giant extinguisher, and was really as devoid
of utility as it was curious in ornamentation, "reflecting most part an
empty ineffectual sound." This great sound-killer was decorated with carved
and painted rosettes, as in the Shrewsbury meeting-house; with carved ivy
leaves, as in Farmington; with a carved bunch of grapes or pomegranates, as
in the Leicester church; with letters indicating a date, as, "M. R. H." for
March, in the Hadley church; with appropriate mottoes and texts, such as
the words, "Holiness is the Lords," in the Windham church; with cords and
tassels, with hanging fringes, with panels and balls; and thus formed a
great ornament to the church, and a source of honest pride to the church
members. The clumsy sounding-board was usually hung by a slight iron rod,
which looked smaller still as it stretched up to the high, raftered roof,
and always appeared to be entirely insufficient to sustain the great weight
of the heavy machine. In Danvers, one of these useless though ornamental
structures hung within eighteen inches of the preacher's nose, on a slender
bar thirty feet in length; and every Sunday the children gazed with
fascinated anticipation at the slight rod and the great hexagonal
extinguisher, thinking and hoping that on this day the sounding-board would
surely drop, and "put out" the minister. In fact, it was regarded by many
a child, though this idea was hardly formulated in the little brain, as
a visible means of possible punishment for any false doctrine that might
issue from the mouth of the preacher.

Another pastime and source of interest to the children in many old churches
was the study of the knots and veins in the unpainted wood of which the
pews and galleries were made. Age had developed and darkened and rendered
visible all the natural irregularities in the wood, just as it had brought
out and strengthened the dry-woody, close, unaired, penetrating scent which
permeated the meeting-house and gave it the distinctive "church smell." The
children, and perhaps a few of the grown people, found in these clusters
of knots queer similitudes of faces, strange figures and constellations,
which, though conned Sunday after Sunday until known by heart, still seemed
ever to show in their irregular groupings a puzzling possibility of the
discovery of new configurations and monstrosities.

The dangling, dusty spiders' webs afforded, too, an interesting sight and
diversion for the sermon-hearing, but not sermon-listening, young Puritans,
who watched the cobwebs swaying, trembling, forming strange maps of
imaginary rivers with their many tributaries, or outlines of intersecting
roads and lanes. And if little Yet-Once, Hate-Evil, or Shearjashub chanced,
by good fortune, to be seated near a window where a crafty spider and a
foolish buzzing fly could be watched through the dreary exposition and
attempted reconciliation of predestination and free will, that indeed were
a happy way of passing the weary hours.




II.

The Church Militant.



For many years after the settlement of New England the Puritans, even in
outwardly tranquil times, went armed to meeting; and to sanctify the Sunday
gun-loading they were expressly forbidden to fire off their charges at
any object on that day save an Indian or a wolf, their two "greatest
inconveniencies." Trumbull, in his "Mac Fingal," Avrites thus in jest of
this custom of Sunday arm-bearing:--

  "So once, for fear of Indian beating,
  Our grandsires bore their guns to meeting,--
  Each man equipped on Sunday morn
  With psalm-book, shot, and powder-horn,
  And looked in form, as all must grant,
  Like the ancient true church militant."

In 1640 it was ordered in Massachusetts that in every township the
attendants at church should carry a "competent number of peeces, fixed
and compleat with powder and shot and swords every Lords-day to the
meeting-house;" one armed man from each household was then thought
advisable and necessary for public safety. In 1642 six men with muskets and
powder and shot were thought sufficient for protection for each church. In
Connecticut similar mandates were issued, and as the orders were neglected
"by divers persones," a law was passed in 1643 that each offender should
forfeit twelve pence for each offence. In 1644 a fourth part of the
"trayned hand" was obliged to come armed each Sabbath, and the sentinels
were ordered to keep their matches constantly lighted for use in their
match-locks. They were also commanded to wear armor, which consisted of
"coats basted with cotton-wool, and thus made defensive against Indian
arrows." In 1650 so much dread and fear were felt of Sunday attacks from
the red men that the Sabbath-Day guard was doubled in number. In 1692, the
Connecticut Legislature ordered one fifth of the soldiers in each town to
come armed to each meeting, and that nowhere should be present as a guard
at time of public worship fewer than eight soldiers and a sergeant. In
Hadley the guard was allowed annually from the public treasury a pound of
lead and a pound of powder to each soldier.

No details that could add to safety on the Sabbath were forgotten or
overlooked by the New Haven church; bullets were made common currency at
the value of a farthing, in order that they might be plentiful and in every
one's possession; the colonists were enjoined to determine in advance what
to do with the women and children in case of attack, "that they do not hang
about them and hinder them;" the men were ordered to bring at least six
charges of powder and shot to meeting; the farmers were forbidden to "leave
more arms at home than men to use them;" the half-pikes were to be headed
and the whole ones mended, and the swords "and all piercing weapons
furbished up and dressed;" wood was to be placed in the watch-house; it was
ordered that the "door of the meeting-house next the soldiers' seat be kept
clear from women and children sitting there, that if there be occasion
for the soldiers to go suddenly forth, they may have free passage." The
soldiers sat on either side of the main door, a sentinel was stationed
in the meeting-house turret, and armed watchers paced the streets; three
cannon were mounted by the side of this "church militant," which must
strongly have resembled a garrison.

Military duty and military discipline and regard for the Sabbath, and for
the House of God as well, did not always make the well-equipped occupants
of these soldiers' seats in New Haven behave with the dignity and decorum
befitting such guardians of the peace and protectors in war. Serious
disorders and disturbances among the guard were reported at the General
Court on June 16, 1662. One belligerent son of Mars, as he sat in the
meeting-house, threw lumps of lime--perhaps from the plastered chinks in
the log wall--at a fellow-warrior, who in turn, very naturally, kicked his
tormentor with much agility and force. There must have ensued quite a free
fight all around in the meeting-house, for "Mrs. Goodyear's boy had his
head broke that day in meeting, on account of which a woman said she
doubted not the wrath of God was upon us." And well might she think so, for
divers other unseemly incidents which occurred in the meeting-house at the
same time were narrated in Court, examined into, and punished.

In spite of these events in the New Haven church (which were certainly
exceptional), the seemingly incongruous union of church and army was
suitable enough in a community that always began and ended the military
exercises on "training day" with solemn prayer and psalm-singing; and that
used the army and encouraged a true soldier-like spirit not chiefly as aids
in war, but to help to conquer and destroy the adversaries of truth, and to
"achieve greater matters by this little handful of men than the world is
aware of."

The Salem sentinels wore doubtless some of the good English armor owned by
the town,--corselets to cover the body; gorgets to guard the throat;
tasses to protect the thighs; all varnished black, and costing each suit
"twenty-four shillings a peece." The sentry also wore a bandileer, a large
"neat's leather" belt thrown over the right shoulder, and hanging down
under the left arm. This bandileer sustained twelve boxes of cartridges,
and a well-filled bullet-bag. Each man bore either a "bastard musket with
a snaphance," a "long fowling-piece with musket bore," a "full musket," a
"barrell with a match-cock," or perhaps (for they were purchased by the
town) a leather gun (though these leather guns may have been cannon).
Other weapons there were to choose from, mysterious in name, "sakers,
minions, ffaulcons, rabinets, murthers (or murderers, as they were
sometimes appropriately called) chambers, harque-busses, carbins,"--all
these and many other death-dealing machines did our forefathers bring and
import from their war-loving fatherland to assist them in establishing
God's Word, and exterminating the Indians, but not always, alas! to aid
them in converting those poor heathen.

The armed Salem watcher, besides his firearms and ammunition, had attached
to his wrist by a cord a gun-rest, or gun-fork, which he placed upon
the ground when he wished to fire his musket, and upon which that
constitutional kicker rested when touched off. He also carried a sword and
sometimes a pike, and thus heavily burdened with multitudinous arms and
cumbersome armor, could never have run after or from an Indian with much
agility or celerity; though he could stand at the church-door with his
leather gun,--an awe-inspiring figure,--and he could shoot with his
"harquebuss," or "carbin," as we well know.

These armed "sentinells" are always regarded as a most picturesque
accompaniment of Puritan religious worship, and the Salem and Plymouth
armed men were imposing, though clumsy. But the New Haven soldiers, with
their bulky garments wadded and stuffed out with thick layers of cotton
wool, must have been more safety-assuring and comforting than they were
romantic or heroic; but perhaps they too wore painted tin armor, "corselets
and gorgets and tasses."

In Concord, New Hampshire, the men, who all came armed to meeting, stacked
their muskets around a post in the middle of the church, while the honored
pastor, who was a good shot and owned the best gun in the settlement,
preached with his treasured weapon in the pulpit by his side, ready from
his post of vantage to blaze away at any red man whom he saw sneaking
without, or to lead, if necessary, his congregation to battle. The church
in York, Maine, until the year 1746, felt it necessary to retain the custom
of carrying arms to the meeting-house, so plentiful and so aggressive were
Maine Indians.

Not only in the time of Indian wars were armed men seen in the
meeting-house, but on June 17, 1775, the Provincial Congress recommended
that the men "within twenty miles of the sea-coast carry their arms and
ammunition with them to meeting on the Sabbath and other days when they
meet for public worship." And on many a Sabbath and Lecture Day, during the
years of war that followed, were proved the wisdom and foresight of that
suggestion.

The men in those old days of the seventeenth century, when in constant
dread of attacks by Indians, always rose when the services were ended and
left the house before the women and children, thus making sure the safe
exit of the latter. This custom prevailed from habit until a late date in
many churches in New England, all the men, after the benediction and the
exit of the parson, walking out in advance of the women. So also the custom
of the men always sitting at the "head" or door of the pew arose from the
early necessity of their always being ready to seize their arms and rush
unobstructed to fight. In some New England village churches to this day,
the man who would move down from his end of the pew and let a woman sit
at the door, even if it were a more desirable seat from which to see the
clergyman, would be thought a poor sort of a creature.




III.

By Drum and Horn and Shell.



At about nine o'clock on the Sabbath morning the Puritan colonists
assembled for the first public service of the holy day; they were gathered
together by various warning sounds. The Haverhill settlers listened for the
ringing toot of Abraham Tyler's horn. The Montague and South Hadley people
were notified that the hour of assembling had arrived by the loud blowing
of a conch-shell. John Lane, a resident of the latter town, was engaged
in 1750 to "blow the Cunk" on the Sabbath as "a sign for meeting." In
Stockbridge a strong-lunged "praying" Indian blew the enormous shell, which
was safely preserved until modern times, and which, when relieved from
Sunday use, was for many years sounded as a week-day signal in the
hay-field. Even a conch-shell was enough of an expense to the poor colonial
churches. The Montague people in 1759 paid £1 10s. for their "conk," and
also on the purchase year gave Joseph Root 20 shillings for blowing the new
shell. In 1785 the Whately church voted that "we will not improve anybody
to blow the conch," and so the church-attendants straggled to Whately
meeting each at his own time and pleasure.

In East Hadley the inhabitant who "blew the kunk" (as phonetic East
Hadleyites spelt it) and swept out the meeting-house was paid annually the
munificent sum of three dollars for his services. Conch-blowing was not
so difficult and consequently not so highly-paid an accomplishment as
drum-beating. A verse of a simple old-fashioned hymn tells thus of the
gathering of the Puritan saints:--

  "New England's Sabbath day
  Is heaven-like still and pure,
  When Israel walks the way
  Up to the temple's door.
  The time we tell
  When there to come
  By beat of drum
  Or sounding shell."

The drum, as highly suitable for such a military people, was often used as
a signal for gathering for public worship, and was plainly the favorite
means of notification. In 1678 Robert Stuard, of Norwalk, "ingages yt his
son James shall beate the Drumb, on the Sabbath and other ocations," and in
Norwalk the "drumb," the "drumne," the "drumme," and at last the drum was
beaten until 1704, when the Church got a bell. And the "Drumber" was paid,
and well paid too for his "Cervices," fourteen shillings a year of the
town's money, and he was furnished a "new strong drumme;" and the town
supplied to him also the flax for the drum-cords which he wore out in the
service of God. Johnson, in his "Wonder Working Providence," tells of the
Cambridge Church: "Hearing the sound of a drum he was directed toward it by
a broade beaten way; following this rode he demands of the next man he met
what the signall of the drum ment; the reply was made they had as yet no
Bell to call men to meeting and therefore made use of the drum." In 1638
a platform was made upon the top of the Windsor meeting-house "from the
Lanthornc to the ridge to walk conveniently to sound a trumpet or a drum to
give warning to meeting."

Sometimes three guns were fired as a signal for "church-time." The signal
for religious gathering, and the signal for battle were always markedly
different, in order to avoid unnecessary fright.

In 1647 Robert Basset was appointed in New Haven to drum "twice upon Lordes
Dayes and Lecture Dayes upon the meeting house that soe those who live farr
off may heare the more distinkly." Robert may have been a good drummer, but
he proved to be a most reprehensible and disreputable citizen; in the local
Court Records of August 1, 1648, we find a full report of an astounding
occurrence in which he played an important part. Ten men, who Avere nearly
all sea-faring men,--gay, rollicking sailors,--went to Bassctt's house and
asked for strong drink. The magistrates had endeavored zealously, and in
the main successfully, to prevent all intoxication in the community,
and had forbidden the sale of liquor save in very small quantities. The
church-drummer, however, wickedly unmindful of his honored calling,
furnished to the sailors six quarts of strong liquor, with which they all,
host and visitors, got prodigiously drunk and correspondingly noisy. The
Court Record says: "The miscarriage continued till betwixt tenn and eleven
of the clock, to the great provocation of God, disturbance of the peace,
and to such a height of disorder that strangers wondered at it." In the
midst of the carousal the master of the pinnace called the boatswain
"Brother Loggerheads." This must have been a particularly insulting
epithet, which no respectable boatswain could have been expected quietly to
endure, for "at once the two men fell fast to wrestling, then to blowes and
theirin grew to that feircnes that the master of the pinnace thought the
boatswain would have puled out his eies; and they toumbled on the ground
down the hill into the creeke and mire shamefully wallowing theirin."
In his pain and terror the master called out, "Hoe, the Watch! Hoe, the
Watch!" "The Watch made hast and for the present stopped the disorder, but
in his rage and distemper the boatswaine fell a-swearinge Wounds and Hart
as if he were not only angry with men but would provoke the high
and blessed God." The master of the pinnace, being freed from his
fellow-combatant, returned to Basset's house--perhaps to tell his tale
of woe, perhaps to get more liquor--and was assailed by the drummer with
amazing words of "anger and distemper used by drunken companions;" in
short, he was "verey offensive, his noyes and oathes being hearde to
the other side of the creeke." For aiding and abetting this noisy and
disgraceful spree, and also for partaking in it, Drummer Basset was fined
£5, which must have been more than his yearly salary, and in disgrace, and
possibly in disgust, quitted drumming the New Haven good people to meeting
and moved his residence to Stamford, doubtless to the relief and delight of
both magistrates and people of the former town.

Another means of notification of the hour for religious service was by the
use of a flag, often in addition to the sound of the drum or bell. Thus in
Plymouth, in 1697, the selectmen were ordered to "procure a flagg to be put
out at the ringing of the first bell, and taken in when the last bell was
rung." In Sutherland also a flag was used as a means of announcement of
"meeting-time," and an old goody was paid ten shillings a year for "tending
the flagg."

Mr. Gosse, in his "Early Bells of Massachusetts," gives a full and
interesting account of the church-bells of the first colonial towns in that
State. Lechford, in his "Plaine Dealing," wrote in 1641 that they came
together in Boston on the Lord's Day by "the wringing of a bell," and it is
thought that that bell was a hand-bell. The first bells, for the lack
of bell-towers, were sometimes hung on trees by the side of the
meeting-houses, to the great amazement and distress of the Indians, who
regarded them with superstitious dread, thinking--to paraphrase Herbert's
beautiful line--"when the bell did chime 't was devils' music;" but more
frequently the bells were hung in a belfry or bell-turret or "bellcony,"
and from this belfry depended a long bell-rope quite to the floor; and thus
in the very centre of the church the sexton stood when he rung the summons
for lire or for meeting. This rope was of course directly in front of the
pulpit; and Jonathan Edwards, who was devoid of gestures and looked always
straight before him when preaching, was jokingly said to have "looked-off"
the bell-rope, when it fell with a crash in the middle of his church.

At the first sound of the drum or horn or bell the town inhabitants issued
from their houses in "desent order," man and wife walking first, and the
children in quiet procession after them. Often a man-servant and a maid
walked on either side of the heads of the family. In some communities the
congregation waited outside the church door until the minister and his wife
arrived and passed into the house; then the church-attendants followed, the
loitering boys always contriving to scuffle noisily in from the horse-sheds
at the last moment, making much scraping and clatter with their heavy boots
on the sanded floor, and tumbling clumsily up the uucarpeted, creaking
stairs.

In other churches the members of the congregation seated themselves in
their pews upon their arrival, but rose reverently when the parson, dressed
in black skull-cap and Geneva cloak, entered the door; and they stood, in
token of respect, until after he entered the pulpit and was seated.

It was also the honor-giving and deferential custom in many New England
churches, in the eighteenth century, for the entire congregation to remain
respectfully standing within the pews at the end of the serice until the
minister had descended from his lofty pulpit, opened the door of his wife's
pew, and led her with stately dignity to the church-porch, where, were he
and she genial and neighborly minded souls, they in turn stood and greeted
with carefully adjusted degrees of warmth, interest, respect, or patronage,
the different members of the congregation as they slowly passed out.




IV.

The Old-Fashioned Pews.



In the early New England meeting-houses the seats were long, narrow,
uncomfortable benches, which were made of simple, rough, hand-riven planks
placed on legs like milking-stools. They were without any support or rest
for the back; and perhaps the stiff-backed Pilgrims and Puritans required
or wished no support. Quickly, as the colonies grew in wealth and the
colonists in ambition and importance, "Spots for Pues" were sold (or
"pitts" as they were sometimes called), at first to some few rich or
influential men who wished to sit in a group together, and finally each
family of dignity or wealth sat in its own family-pew. Often it was
stipulated in the permission to build a pew that a separate entrance-door
should be cut into it through the outside wall of the meeting-house, thus
detracting grievously from the external symmetry of the edifice, but
obviating the necessity of a space-occupying entrance aisle within the
church, where there was little enough sitting-room for the quickly
increasing and universally church-going population. As these pews were
either oblong or square, were both large and small, painted and unpainted,
and as each pewholder could exercise his own "tast or disresing" in the
kind of wood he used in the formation of his pew, as well as in the style
of finish, much diversity and incongruity of course resulted. A man who had
a wainscoted pew was naturally and properly much respected and envied by
the entire community. These pews, erected by individual members, were
individual and not communal property. A widow in Cape Cod had her house
destroyed by fire. She was given from the old meeting-house, which was
being razed, the old building materials to use in the construction of her
new home. She was not allowed, however, to remove the wood which formed the
pews, as they were adjudged to be the property of the members who had built
them, and those owners only could sell or remove the materials of which
they were built.

Many of the pews in the old meeting-houses had towering partition walls,
which extended up so high that only the tops of the tallest heads could be
seen when the occupants were seated. Permissions to build were often given
with modifying restrictions to the aspiring pew-builders, as for instance
is recorded of the Haverhill church, "provided they would not build so high
as to damnify and hinder the light of them windows," or of the Waterbury
church, "if the pues will not progodish the hous." Often the floor of the
pews was several inches and occasionally a foot higher than the floor of
the "alleys," thus forming at the entrance-door of the pew one or two
steps, which were great stumbling-blocks to clumsy and to childish feet,
that tripped again when within the pew over the "crickets" and foot-benches
which were, if the family were large, the accepted and lowly church-seats
of the little children. Occasionally one long, low foot-rest stretched
quite across one side of the pew-floor. I have seen these long benches
with a tier of three shelves; the lower and broader shelf was used as a
foot-rest, the second one was to hold the hats of the men, and the third
and narrower shelf was for the hymn-books and Bibles. Such comfortable and
luxurious pew-furnishings could never have been found in many churches.

An old New Englander relates a funny story of his youth, in which one of
these triple-tiered foot-benches played an important part. When he was
a boy a travelling show visited his native town, and though he was not
permitted to go within the mystic and alluring tent, he stood longingly at
the gate, and was prodigiously diverted and astonished by an exhibition of
tight-rope walking, which was given outside the tent-door as a bait to
lure pleasure-loving and frivolous townspeople within, and also as a
tantalization to the children of the saints who were not allowed to enter
the tent of the wicked. Fired by that bewildering and amazing performance,
he daily, after the wonderful sight, practised walking on rails, on fences,
on fallen trees, and on every narrow foothold which he could find, as a
careful preparation for a final feat and triumph of skill on his mother's
clothes-line. In an evil hour, as he sat one Sunday in the corner of his
father's pew, his eyes rested on the narrow ledge which formed the top of
the long foot-bench. Satan can find mischief for idle boys within church as
well as without, and the desire grew stronger to try to walk on that
narrow foothold. He looked at his father and mother, they were peacefully
sleeping; so also were the grown-up occupants of the neighboring pews;
the pew walls were high, the minister seldom glanced to right or left; a
thousand good reasons were whispered in his ear by the mischief-finder,
and at last he willingly yielded, pulled off his heavy shoes, and softly
mounted the foot-bench. He walked forward and back with great success
twice, thrice, but when turning for a fourth tour he suddenly lost his
balance, and over he went with a resounding crash--hats, psalm-books,
heavy bench, and all. He crushed into hopeless shapelessness his father's
gray beaver meeting-hat, a long-treasured and much-loved antique; he nearly
smashed his mother's kid-slippered foot to jelly, and the fall elicited
from her, in the surprise of the sudden awakening and intense pain, an
ear-piercing shriek, which, with the noisy crash, electrified the entire
meeting. All the grown people stood up to investigate, the children climbed
on the seats to look at the guilty offender and his deeply mortified
parents; while the minister paused in his sermon and said with cutting
severity, "I have always regretted that the office of tithingman has been
abolished in this community, as his presence and his watchful care
are sadly needed by both the grown persons and the children in this
congregation." The wretched boy who had caused all the commotion and
disgrace was of course uninjured by his fall, but a final settlement at
home between father and son on account of this sacrilegious piece of church
disturbance made the unhappy would-be tight-rope walker wish that he had at
least broken his arm instead of his father's hat and his mother's pride and
the peace of the congregation.

The seats were sometimes on four sides of these pews, but oftener on three
sides only, thus at least two thirds of the pew occupants did not face the
minister. The pew-seats were as narrow and uncomfortable as the plebeian
benches, though more exclusive, and, with the high partition walls, quite
justified the comment of a little girl when she first attended a service in
one of these old-fashioned, square-pewed churches. She exclaimed in dismay,
"What! must I be shut up in a closet and sit on a shelf?" Often elderly
people petitioned to build separate small pens of pews with a single wider
seat as "through the seats being so very narrow" they could not sit in
comfort.

The seats were, until well into this century, almost universally hung on
hinges, and could be turned up against the walls of the pew, thus enabling
the standing congregation to lean for support against the sides of the pews
during the psalm-singing and the long, long prayers.

  "And when at last the loud Amen
  Fell from aloft, how quickly then
  The seats came down with heavy rattle,
  Like musketry in fiercest battle."

This noise of slamming pew-seats could easily be heard over half a mile
away from the meeting-house in the summer time, for the perverse boys
contrived always in their salute of welcome to the Amen to give vent in
a most tremendous bang to a little of their pent up and ill-repressed
energies. In old church-orders such entries as this (of the Haverhill
church) are frequently seen: "The people are to Let their Seats down
without Such Nois." "The boyes are not to wickedly noise down there
pew-seats." A gentleman attending the old church in Leicester heard at
the beginning of the prayer, for the first time in his life, the noise of
slamming pew-seats, as the seats were thrust up against the pew-walls. He
jumped into the aisle at the first clatter, thinking instinctively that the
gallery was cracking and falling. Another stranger, a Southerner, entering
rather late at a morning service in an old church in New England, was
greeted with the rattle of falling seats, and exclaimed in amazement, "Do
you Northern people applaud in church?"

In many meeting-houses the tops of the pews and of the high gallery
railings were ornamented with little balustrades of turned wood, which were
often worn quite bare of paint by childish fingers that had tried them all
"to find which ones would turn," and which, alas! would also squeak. This
fascinating occupation whiled away many a tedious hour in the dreary
church, and in spite of weekly forbidding frowns and whispered reproofs for
the shrill, ear-piercing squeaks elicited by turning the spindle-shaped
balusters, was entirely too alluring a time-killer to be abandoned, and
consequently descended, an hereditary church pastime, from generation to
generation of the children of the Puritans; and indeed it remained so
strong an instinct that many a grown person, visiting in after life a
church whose pews bore balustrades like the ones of his childhood, could
scarce keep his itching fingers from trying them each in succession "to see
which ones would turn."

These open balustrades also afforded fine peep-holes through which, by
standing or kneeling upon "the shelf," a child might gaze at his neighbor;
and also through which sly missiles--little balls of twisted paper--could
be snapped, to the annoyance of some meek girl or retaliating boy, until
the young marksman was ignominiously pulled down by his mother from his
post of attack. And through these balustrades the same boy a few years
later could thrust sly missives, also of twisted paper, to the girl whom he
had once assailed and bombarded with his annoying paper bullets.

Through the pillared top-rail a restless child in olden days often
received, on a hot summer Sabbath from a farmer's wife or daughter in an
adjoining pew, friendly and quieting gifts of sprigs of dill, or fennel,
or caraway, famous anti-soporifics; and on this herbivorous food he would
contentedly browse as long as it lasted. An uneasy, sermon-tired little
girl was once given through the pew-rail several stalks of caraway, and
with them a large bunch of aromatic southernwood, or "lad's-love" which had
been brought to meeting by the matron in the next pew, with a crudely and
unconsciously aesthetic sense that where eye and ear found so little to
delight them, there the pungent and spicy fragrance of the southernwood
would be doubly grateful to the nostrils. Little Missy sat down delightedly
to nibble the caraway-seed, and her mother seeing her so quietly and
absorbingly occupied, at once fell contentedly and placidly asleep in her
corner of the pew. But five heads of caraway, though each contain many
score of seeds, and the whole number be slowly nibbled and eaten one seed
at a time, will not last through the child's eternity of a long doctrinal
sermon; and when the umbels were all devoured, the young experimentalist
began upon the stalks and stems, and they, too, slowly disappeared. She
then attacked the sprays of southernwood, and in spite of its bitter,
wormwoody flavor, having nothing else to do, she finished it, all but the
tough stems, just as the long sermon was brought to a close. Her waking
mother, discovering no signs of green verdure in the pew, quickly drew
forth a whispered confession of the time-killing Nebuchadnezzar-like feast,
and frightened and horrified, at once bore the leaf-gorged child from
the church, signalling in her retreat to the village doctor, who quickly
followed and administered to the omnivorous young New Englander a bolus
which made her loathe to her dying day, through a sympathetic association
and memory, the taste of caraway, and the scent of southernwood.

An old gentleman, lamenting the razing of the church of his childhood,
told the story of his youthful Sabbaths in rhyme, and thus refers with
affectionate enthusiasm to the old custom of bringing bunches of esculent
"sallet" herbs to meeting:--

  "And when I tired and restless grew,
  Our next pew neighbor, Mrs. True,
  Reached her kind hand the top rail through
  To hand me dill, and fennel too,
  And sprigs of caraway.

  "And as I munched the spicy seeds,
  I dimly felt that kindly deeds
  That thus supply our present needs,
  Though only gifts of pungent weeds,
  Show true religion.

  "And often now through sermon trite
  And operatic singer's flight,
  I long for that old friendly sight,
  The hand with herbs of value light,
  To help to pass the time."

Were the dill and "sweetest fennel" chosen Sabbath favorites for their
old-time virtues and powers?

  "Vervain and dill
  Hinder witches of their ill."

And of the charmed fennel Longfellow wrote:--

  "The fennel with its yellow flowers
  That, in an earlier age than ours,
  Was gifted with the wondrous powers,
      Lost vision to restore."

And traditions of mysterious powers, dream-influencing, spirit-exorcising,
virtue-awakening, health-giving properties, hung vaguely around the
southernwood and made it specially fit to be a Sabbath-day posy. These
traditions are softened by the influence of years into simply idealizing,
in the mind of every country-bred New Englander, the peculiar refreshing
scent of the southernwood as a typical Sabbath-day fragrance. Half a
century ago, the pretty feathery pale-green shrub grew in every country
door-yard, humble or great, throughout New England; and every church-going
woman picked a branch or spray of it when she left her home on Sabbath
morn. To this day, on hot summer Sundays, many a staid old daughter of
the Puritans may be seen entering the village meeting-house, clad in
a lilac-sprigged lawn or a green-striped barège,--a scanty-skirted,
surplice-waisted relic of past summers,--with a lace-bordered silk cape
or a delicate, time-yellowed, purple and white cashmere scarf on her bent
shoulders, wearing on her gray head a shirred-silk or leghorn bonnet, and
carrying in her lace-mitted hand a fresh handkerchief, her spectacle-case
and well-worn Bible, and a great sprig of the sweet, old-fashioned
"lad's-love." A rose, a bunch of mignonette would be to her too gay a posy
for the Lord's House and the Lord's Day. And balmier breath than was
ever borne by blossom is the pure fragrance of green growing
things,--southernwood, mint, sweet fern, bayberry, sweetbrier. No rose is
half so fresh, so countrified, so memory-sweet.

The benches and the pew-seats in the old churches were never cushioned.
Occasionally very old or feeble women brought cushions to meeting to sit
upon. It is a matter of recent tradition that Colonel Greenleaf caused a
nine days' talk in Newbury town at the beginning of this century when
he cushioned his pew. The widow of Sir William Pepperell, who lived in
imposing style, had her pew cushioned and lined and curtained with
worsted stuff, and carpeted with a heavy bear-skin. This worn, faded, and
moth-eaten furniture remained in the Kittery church until the year 1840,
just as when Lady Pepperell furnished and occupied the pew. Nor were even
the seats of the pulpit cushioned. The "cooshoons" of velvet or leather,
which were given by will to the church, and which were kept in the pulpit,
and were nibbled by the squirrels, were for the Bible, not the minister, to
rest upon.

In many churches--in Durham, Concord and Sandwich--the pews had
swing-shelves, "leaning shelves," upon which a church attendant could rest
his paper and his arm when taking notes from the sermon, as was at one time
the universal custom, and in which even school-boys of a century ago had
to take part. Funny stories are told of the ostentatious notes taken by
pompous parishioners who could neither write nor read, but who could
scribble, and thus cut a learned figure.

The doors of the pews were usually cut down somewhat lower than the
pew-walls, and frequently had no top-rails. They sometimes bore the name of
the pew-owner painted in large white letters. They were secured when
closed by clumsy wooden buttons. In many country congregations the elderly
men--stiff old farmers--had a fashion of standing up in the middle of the
sermon to stretch their cramped limbs, and they would lean against and hang
over the pew door and stare up and down the aisle. In Andover, Vermont,
old Deacon Puffer never let a summer Sunday pass without thus resting and
diverting himself. One day, having ill-secured the wooden button at the
door of his pew, the leaning-place gave way under his weight, and out he
sprawled on all-fours, with a loud clatter, into the middle of the aisle,
to the amusement of the children, and the mortification of his wife.

Thus it may be seen, as an old autobiography phrases it, "diversions was
frequent in meeting, and the more duller the sermon, the more likely it was
that some accident or mischief would be done to help to pass the time."




V.

Seating the Meeting.



Perhaps no duty was more important and more difficult of satisfactory
performance in the church work in early New England than "seating the
meeting-house." Our Puritan forefathers, though bitterly denouncing all
forms and ceremonies, were great respecters of persons; and in nothing was
the regard for wealth and position more fully shown than in designating the
seat in which each person should sit during public worship. A committee of
dignified and influential men was appointed to assign irrevocably to each
person his or her place, according to rank and importance. Whittier wrote
of this custom:--

  "In the goodly house of worship, where in order due and fit,
  As by public vote directed, classed and ranked the people sit;
  Mistress first and goodwife after, clerkly squire before the clown,
  From the brave coat, lace embroidered: to the gray frock shading down."

In many cases the members of the committee were changed each year or at
each fresh seating, in order to obviate any of the effects of partiality
through kinship, friendship, personal esteem, or debt. A second committee
was also appointed to seat the members of committee number one, in order
that, as Haverhill people phrased it, "there may be no Grumbling at them
for picking and placing themselves."

This seating committee sent to the church the list of all the attendants
and the seats assigned to them, and when the list had been twice or thrice
read to the congregation, and nailed on the meeting-house door, it became a
law. Then some such order as this of the church at Watertown, Connecticut,
was passed: "It is ordered that the next Sabbath Day every person shall
take his or her seat appointed to them, and not go to any other seat where
others are placed: And if any one of the inhabitants shall act contrary, he
shall for the first offence be reproved by the deacons, and for a second
pay a fine of two shillings, and a like fine for each offence ever
after." Or this of the Stratham church: "When the comety have Seatid the
meeting-house every person that is Seatid shall set in those Seats or pay
Five Shillings Pir Day for every day they set out of There seats in a
Disorderly Manner to advance themselves Higher in the meeting-house." These
two church-laws were very lenient. In many towns the punishments and fines
were much more severe. Two men of Newbury were in 1669 fined £27 4s.
each for "disorderly going and setting in seats belonging to others." They
were dissatisfied with the seats assigned to them by the seating committee,
and openly and defiantly rebelled. Other and more peaceable citizens
"entred their Decents" to the first decision of the committee and asked for
reconsideration of their special cases and for promotion to a higher pew
before the final orders were "Jsued."

In all the Puritan meetings, as then and now in Quaker meetings, the men
sat on one side of the meeting-house and the women on the other; and they
entered by separate doors. It was a great and much-contested change when
men and women were ordered to sit together "promiscuoslie." In front,
on either side of the pulpit (or very rarely in the foremost row in the
gallery), was a seat of highest dignity, known as the "foreseat," in which
only the persons of greatest importance in the community sat.

Sometimes a row of square pews was built on three sides of the ground
floor, and each pew occupied by separate families, while the pulpit was
on the fourth side. If any man wished such a private pew for himself and
family, he obtained permission from the church and town, and built it at
his own expense. Immediately in front of the pulpit was either a long seat
or a square inclosed pew for the deacons, who sat facing the congregation.
This was usually a foot or two above the level of the other pews, and was
reached by two or three steep, narrow steps. On a still higher plane was a
pew for the ruling elders, when ruling elders there were. The magistrates
also had a pew for their special use. What we now deem the best seats,
those in the middle of the church, were in olden times the free seats.

Usually, on one side of the pulpit was a square pew for the minister's
family. When there were twenty-six children in the family, as at least one
New England parson could boast, and when ministers' families of twelve
or fourteen children were far from unusual, it is no wonder that we find
frequent votes to "inlarge the ministers wives pew the breadth of the
alley," or to "take in the next pue to the ministers wives pue into her
pue." The seats in the gallery were universally regarded in the early
churches as the most exalted, in every sense, in the house, with the
exception, of course, of the dignity-bearing foreseat and the few private
pews.

It is easy to comprehend what a source of disappointed anticipation,
heart-burning jealousy, offended dignity, unseemly pride, and bitter
quarrelling this method of assigning scats, and ranking thereby, must have
been in those little communities. How the goodwivcs must have hated the
seating committee! Though it was expressly ordered, when the committee
rendered their decision, that "the inhabitants are to rest silent and
sett down satysfyed," who can still the tongue of an envious woman or an
insulted man? Though they were Puritans, they were first of all men and
women, and complaints and revolts were frequent. Judge Sewall records that
one indignant dame "treated Captain Osgood very roughly on account of
seating the meeting-house." To her the difference between a seat in the
first and one in the second row was immeasurably great. It was not alone
the Scribes and Pharisees who desired the highest seats in the synagogue.

It was found necessary at a very early date to "dignify the meeting,"
which was to make certain seats, though in different localities, equal in
dignity; thus could peace and contented pride be partially restored. For
instance, the seating committee in the Sutton church used their "best
discresing," and voted that "the third seat below be equal in dignity with
the foreseat in the front gallery, and the fourth seat below be equal in
dignity with the foreseat in the side gallery," etc., thus making many
seats of equal honor. Of course wives had to have seats of equal importance
with those of their husbands, and each widow retained the dignity
apportioned to her in her husband's lifetime. We can well believe that much
"discresing" was necessary in dignifying as well as in seating. Often,
after building a new meeting-house with all the painstaking and thoughtful
judgment that could be shown, the dissensions over the seating lasted for
years. The conciliatory fashion of "dignifying the seats" clung long in the
Congregational churches of New England. In East Hartford and Windsor it was
not abandoned until 1824.

Many men were unwilling to serve on these seating committees, and refused
to "medle with the seating," protesting against it on account of the odium
that was incurred, but they were seldom "let off." Even so influential and
upright a man as Judge Sewall felt a dread of the responsibility and of
the personal spleen he might arouse. He also feared in one case lest his
seat-decisions might, if disliked, work against the ministerial peace of
his son, who had been recently ordained as pastor of the church. Sometimes
the difficulty was settled in this way: the entire church (or rather the
male members) voted who should occupy the foreseat, or the highest pew, and
the voted-in occupants of this seat of honor formed a committee, who in
turn seated the others of the congregation.

In the town of Rowley, "age, office, and the amount paid toward building
the meeting-house were considered when assigning seats." Other towns had
very amusing and minute rules for seating. Each year of the age counted one
degree. Military service counted eight degrees. The magistrate's office
counted ten degrees. Every forty shillings paid in on the church rate
counted one degree. We can imagine the ambitious Puritan adding up his
degrees, and paying in forty shillings more in order to sit one seat above
his neighbor who was a year or two older.

In Pittsfield, as early as the year 1765, the pews were sold by "vandoo"
to the highest bidder, in order to stop the unceasing quarrels over
the seating. In Windham, Connecticut, in 1762, the adoption of this
pacificatory measure only increased the dissension when it was discovered
that some miserable "bachelors who never paid for more than one head and
a horse" had bid in several of the best pews in the meeting-house. In New
London, two women, sisters-in-law, were seated side by side. Each claimed
the upper or more dignified seat, and they quarrelled so fiercely over the
occupation of it that they had to be brought before the town meeting.

In no way could honor and respect be shown more satisfactorily in the
community than by the seat assigned in meeting. When Judge Sewall married
his second wife, he writes with much pride: "Mr. Oliver in the names of the
Overseers invites my Wife to sit in the foreseat. I thought to have brought
her into my pue. I thankt him and the Overseers." His wife died in a few
months, and he reproached himself for his pride in this honor, and left the
seat which he had in the men's foreseat. "God in his holy Sovereignty put
my wife out of the Fore Seat. I apprehended I had Cause to be ashamed of my
Sin and loath myself for it, and retired into my Pue," which was of course
less dignified than the foreseat.

Often, in thriving communities, the "pues" and benches did not afford
seating room enough for the large number who wished to attend public
worship, and complaints were frequent that many were "obliged to sit
squeased on the stairs." Persons were allowed to bring chairs and stools
into the meeting-house, and place them in the "alleys." These extra seats
became often such encumbering nuisances that in many towns laws were passed
abolishing and excluding them, or, as in Hadley, ordering them "back of the
women's seats." In 1759 it was ordered in that town to "clear the Alleys of
the meeting-house of chairs and other Incumbrances." Where the chairless
people went is not told; perhaps they sat in the doorway, or, in the summer
time, listened outside the windows. One forward citizen of Hardwicke had
gradually moved his chair down the church alley, step by step, Sunday after
Sunday, from one position of dignity to another still higher, until at last
he boldly invaded the deacons' seat. When, in the year 1700, this honored
position was forbidden him, in his chagrin and mortification he committed
suicide by hanging.

The young men sat together in rows, and the young women in corresponding
seats on the other side of the house. In 1677 the selectmen of Newbury
gave permission to a few young women to build a pew in the gallery. It is
impossible to understand why this should have roused the indignation of the
bachelors of the town, but they were excited and angered to such a pitch
that they broke a window, invaded the meeting-house, and "broke the pue in
pessis." For this sacrilegious act they were fined £10 each, and sentenced
to be whipped or pilloried. In consideration, however, of the fact that
many of them had been brave soldiers, the punishment was omitted when they
confessed and asked forgiveness. This episode is very comical; it exhibits
the Puritan youth in such an ungallant and absurd light. When, ten years
later, liberty was given to ten young men, who had sat in the "foure backer
seats in the gallery," to build a pew in "the hindermost seat in the
gallery behind the pulpit," it is not recorded that the Salem young women
made any objection. In the Woburn church, the four daughters of one of the
most respected families in the place received permission to build a pew in
which to sit. Here also such indignant and violent protests were made by
the young men that the selectmen were obliged to revoke the permission.
It would be interesting to know the bachelors' discourteous objections to
young women being allowed to own a pew, but no record of their reasons
is given. Bachelors were so restricted and governed in the colonies that
perhaps they resented the thought of any independence being allowed to
single women. Single men could not live alone, but were forced to reside
with some family to whom the court assigned them, and to do in all respects
just what the court ordered. Thus, in olden times, a man had to marry to
obtain his freedom. The only clue to a knowledge of the cause of the fierce
and resentful objection of New England young men to permitting the young
women of the various congregations to build and own a "maids pue" is
contained in the record of the church of the town of Scotland, Connecticut.
"An Hurlburt, Pashants and Mary Lazelle, Younes Bingham, prudenc Hurlburt
and Jerusha meachem" were empowered to build a pew "provided they build
within a year and raise ye pue no higher than the seat is on the Mens
side." "Never ye Less," saith the chronicle, "ye above said have built said
pue much higher than ye order, and if they do not lower the same within one
month from this time the society comitte shall take said pue away." Do you
wonder that the bachelors resented this towering "maids pue?" that they
would not be scornfully looked down upon every Sabbath by women-folk,
especially by a girl named "meachem"? Pashants and Younes and prudenc had
to quickly come down from their unlawfully high church-perch and take a
more humble seat, as befitted them; thus did their "vaulting ambition
o'erleap itself and fall on the other side." Perhaps the Salem maids also
built too high and imposing a pew. In Haverhill, in 1708, young women were
permitted to build pews, provided they did not "damnify the Stairway." This
somewhat profane-sounding restriction they heeded, and the Haverhill maids
occupied their undamnifying "pue" unmolested. Medford young women, however,
in 1701, when allowed only one side gallery for seats, while the young men
were assigned one side and all the front gallery, made such an uproar that
the town had to call a meeting, and restore to them their "woman's rights"
in half the front gallery.

Infants were brought to church in their mothers' arms, and on summer days
the young mothers often sat at the meeting-house door or in the porch,--if
porch there were,--where, listening to the word of God, they could attend
also to the wants of their babes. I have heard, too, of a little cage, or
frame, which was to be seen in the early meeting-houses, for the purpose
of holding children who were too young to sit alone,--poor Puritan babies!
Little girls sat with their mothers or elder sisters on "crickets" within
the pews; or if the family were over-numerous, the children and crickets
exundated into "the alley without the pues." Often a row of little
daughters of Zion sat on three-legged stools and low seats the entire
length of the aisle,--weary, sleepy, young sentinels "without the gates."

The boys, the Puritan boys, those wild animals who were regarded with such
suspicion, such intense disfavor, by all elderly Puritan eyes, and who were
publicly stigmatized by the Duxbury elders as "ye wretched boys on ye Lords
Day," were herded by themselves. They usually sat on the pulpit and gallery
stairs, and constables or tithingmen were appointed to watch over them and
control them. In Salem, in 1676, it was ordered that "all ye boyes of ye
towne are and shall be appointed to sitt upon ye three pair of stairs in ye
meeting-house on ye Lords Day, and Wm. Lord is appointed to look after ye
boyes yt sitte upon ye pulpit stairs. Reuben Guppy is to look and order soe
many of ye boyes as may be convenient, and if any are unruly, to present
their names, as the law directs." Nowadays we should hardly seat boys in a
group if we wished them to be orderly and decorous, and I fear the man "by
the name of Guppy" found it no easy task to preserve order and due gravity
among the Puritan boys in Salem meeting. In fact, the rampant boys behaved
thus badly for the very reason that they were seated together instead of
with their respective families; and not until the fashion was universal of
each family sitting in a pew or group by itself did the boys in meeting
behave like human beings rather than like mischievous and unruly monkeys.

In Stratford, in 1668, a tithingman was "appointed to watch over the youths
of disorderly carriage, and see that they behave themselves comelie, and
use such raps and blows as in his discretion meet."

I like to think of those rows of sober-faced Puritan boys seated on the
narrow, steep pulpit stairs, clad in knee-breeches and homespun flapped
coats, and with round, cropped heads, miniature likenesses in dress and
countenance (if not in deportment) of their grave, stern, God-fearing
fathers. Though they were of the sedate Puritan blood, they were boys, and
they wriggled and twisted, and scraped their feet noisily on the sanded
floor; and I know full well that the square-toed shoes of one in whom
"original sin" waxed powerful, thrust many a sly dig in the ribs and back
of the luckless wight who chanced to sit in front of and below him on the
pulpit stairs. Many a dried kernel of Indian corn was surreptitiously
snapped at the head of an unwary neighbor, and many a sly word was
whispered and many a furtive but audible "snicker" elicited when the dread
tithingman was "having an eye-out" and administering "discreet raps and
blows" elsewhere.

One of these wicked youths in Andover was brought before the magistrate,
and it was charged that he "Sported and played and by Indecent Gestures and
Wry Faces caused laughter and misbehavior in the Beholders." The girls were
not one whit better behaved. One of "ye tything men chosen of ye town of
Norwich" reported that "Tabatha Morgus of s'd Norwich Did on ye 24th day
February it being Sabbath on ye Lordes Day, prophane ye Lordes Day in ye
meeting house of ye west society in ye time of ye forenoone service on s'd
Day by her rude and Indecent Behaviour in Laughing and Playing in ye time
of ye s'd Service which Doinges of ye s'd Tabatha is against ye peace of
our Sovereign Lord ye King, his Crown and Dignity." Wanton Tabatha had to
pay three shilings sixpence for her ill-timed mid-winter frolic. Perhaps
she laughed to try to keep warm. Those who laughed at the misdemeanors of
others were fined as well. Deborah Bangs, a young girl, in 1755 paid a fine
of five shillings for "Larfing in the Wareham Meeting House in time of
Public Worship," and a boy at the same time, for the same offence, paid a
fine of ten shillings. He may have laughed louder and longer. In a law-book
in which Jonathan Trumbull recorded the minor cases which he tried as
justice of the peace, was found this entry: "His Majesties Tithing man
entered complaint against Jona. and Susan Smith, that on the Lords Day
during Divine Service, they did _smile_." They were found guilty, and
each was fined five shillings and costs,--poor smiling Susan and Jonathan.

Those wretched Puritan boys, those "sons of Belial," whittled, too, and cut
the woodwork and benches of the meeting-house in those early days, just as
their descendants have ever since hacked and cut the benches and desks in
country schoolhouses,--though how they ever eluded the vigilant eye and ear
of the ubiquitous tithingman long enough to whittle will ever remain an
unsolved mystery of the past. This early forerunning evidence of what
has become a characteristic Yankee trait and habit was so annoyingly and
extensively exhibited in Medford, in 1729, that an order was passed to
prosecute and punish "all who cut the seats in the meeting-house."

Few towns were content to have one tithingman and one staff, but ordered
that there should be a guardian set over the boys in every corner of the
meeting-house. In Hanover it was ordered "That there be some sticks set up
in various places in the meeting-house, and fit persons by them and _to
use them_." I doubt not that the sticks were well used, and Hanover boys
were well rapped in meeting.

The Norwalk people come down through history shining with a halo of gentle
lenity, for their tithingman was ordered to bear a short, small stick only,
and he was "Desired to use it with clemency." However, if any boy proved
"incoridgable," he could be "presented" before the elders; and perhaps he
would rather have been treated as were Hartford boys by cruel Hartford
church folk, who ordered that if "any boye shall be taken playing or
misbehaving himself in the time of publick worship whether in the
meeting-house or about the walls he shall be examined and punished at the
present publickly before the assembly depart." Parson Chauncey, of Durham,
when a boy misbehaved in meeting, and was "punched up" by the tithingman,
often stopped in his sermon, called the godless young offender by name,
and asked him to come to the parsonage the next day. Some very tender and
beautiful lessons were taught to these Durham boys at these Monday morning
interviews, and have descended to us in tradition; and the good Mr.
Chauncey stands out a shining light of Christian patience and forbearance
at a time when every other New England minister, from John Cotton down,
preached and practised the stern repression and sharp correction of all
children, and chanted together in solemn chorus, "Foolishness is bound up
in the heart of a child."

One vicious tithingman invented, and was allowed to exercise on the boys,
a punishment which was the refinement of cruelty. He walked up to the
laughing, sporting, or whittling boy, took him by the collar or the arm,
led him ostentatiously across the meeting-house, and seated him by his
shamefaced mother on the women's side. It was as if one grandly proud in
kneebreeches should be forced to walk abroad in petticoats. Far rather
would the disgraced boy have been whacked soundly with the heavy knob of
the tithingman's staff; for bodily pain is soon forgotten, while mortifying
abasement lingers long.

The tithingman could also take any older youth who misbehaved or "acted
unsivill" in meeting from his manly seat with the grown men, and force him
to sit again with the boys; "if any over sixteen are disorderly, they shall
be ordered to said seats." Not only could these men of authority keep the
boys in order during meeting, but they also had full control during the
nooning, and repressed and restrained and vigorously corrected the luckless
boys during the midday hours. When seats in the galleries grew to be
regarded as inferior to seats and pews on the ground floor, the boys, who
of course must have the worst place in the house, were relegated from the
pulpit stairs to pews in the gallery, and these square, shut-off pews grew
to be what Dr. Porter called "the Devil's play-houses," and turbulent
outbursts were frequent enough.

The little boys still sat downstairs under their parents' watchful eyes.
"No child under 10 alowed to go up Gailary." In the Sutherland church, if
the big boys (who ought to have known better) "behaved unseemly," one of
the tithing-men who "took turns to set in the Galary" was ordered "to bring
Such Bois out of the Galary & set them before the Deacon's Seat" with the
small boys. In Plainfield, Connecticut, the "pestigeous" boys managed to
invent a new form of annoyance,--they "damnified the glass;" and a church
regulation had to be passed to prevent, or rather to try to prevent them
from "opening the windows or in any way damnifying the glass." It was
doubtless hot work scuffling and wrestling in the close, shut-in pews high
up under the roof, and they naturally wished to cool down by opening or
breaking the windows. Grown persons could not inconsiderately open the
church windows either. "The Constables are desired to _take notic_
of the persons that open the windows in the tyme of publick worship." No
rheumatic-y draughts, no bronchitis-y damps, no pure air was allowed to
enter the New England meeting-house. The church doubtless took a vote
before it allowed a single window to be opened.

In Westfield, Massachusetts, the boys became so abominably rampant that the
church formally decided "that if there is not a Reformation Respecting
the Disorders in the Pews built on the Great Beam in the time of Publick
Worship the comite can pul it down."

The fashion of seating the boys in pews by themselves was slow of
abolishment in many of the churches. In Windsor, Connecticut, "boys' pews"
were a feature of the church until 1845. As years rolled on, the tithingmen
became restricted in their authority: they could no longer administer "raps
and blows;" they were forced to content themselves with loud rappings on
the floor, and pointing with a staff or with a condemning finger at the
misdemeanant. At last the deacons usurped these functions, and if rapping
and pointing did not answer the purpose of establishing order (if the boy
"psisted"), led the stubborn offender out of meeting; and they had full
authority soundly to thrash the "wretched boy" on the horse-block. Rev. Dr.
Dakin tells the story that, hearing a terrible noise and disturbance while
he was praying in a church in Quincy, he felt constrained to open his eyes
to ascertain the cause thereof; and he beheld a red-haired boy firmly
clutching the railing on the front edge of the gallery, while a venerable
deacon as firmly clutched the boy. The young rebel held fast, and the
correcting deacon held fast also, until at last the balustrade gave way,
and boy, deacon, and railing fell together with a resounding crash.
Then, rising from the wooden debris, the thoroughly subdued boy and the
triumphant deacon left the meeting-house to finish their little affair;
and unmistakable swishing sounds, accompanied by loud wails and whining
protestations, were soon heard from the region of the horse-sheds. Parents
never resented such chastisings; it was expected, and even desired,
that boys should be whipped freely by every school-master and person of
authority who chose so to do.

In some old church-orders for seating, boys were classed with negroes,
and seated with them; but in nearly all towns the negroes had seats by
themselves. The black women were all seated on a long bench or in an
inclosed pew labelled "B.W.," and the negro men in one labelled "B.M." One
William Mills, a jesting soul, being asked by a pompous stranger where he
could sit in meeting, told the visitor that he was welcome to sit in Bill
Mills's pew, and that it was marked "B.M." The man, who chanced to be
ignorant of the local custom of marking the negro seats, accepted the kind
invitation, and seated himself in the black men's pew, to the delight of
Bill Mills, the amusement of the boys, the scandal of the elders, and his
own disgust.

Sometimes a little pew or short gallery was built high up among the beams
and joists over the staircase which led to the first gallery, and was
called the "swallows' nest," or the "roof pue," or the "second gallery." It
was reached by a steep, ladder-like staircase, and was often assigned to
the negroes and Indians of the congregation.

Often "ye seat between ye Deacons seat and ye pulpit is for persons hard of
hearing to sett in." In nearly every meeting a bench or pew full of aged
men might be seen near the pulpit, and this seat was called, with Puritan
plainness of speech, the "Deaf Pew." Some very deaf church members (when
the boys were herded elsewhere) sat on the pulpit stairs, and even in the
pulpit, alongside the preacher, where they disconcertingly upturned their
great tin ear-trumpets directly in his face. The persistent joining in the
psalm-singing by these deaf old soldiers and farmers was one of the bitter
trials which the leader of the choir had to endure.

The singers' seats were usually in the galleries; sometimes upon the ground
floor, in the "hind-row on either side." Occasionally the choir sat in two
rows of seats that extended quite across the floor of the house, in front
of the deacons' seat and the pulpit. The men singers then sat facing the
congregation, while the women singers faced the pulpit. Between them ran a
long rack for the psalm-books. When they sang they stood up, and bawled and
fugued in each other's faces. Often a square pew was built for the singers,
and in the centre of this enclosure was a table, on which were laid, when
at rest, the psalm-books. When they sang, the choir thus formed a hollow
square, as does any determined band, for strength.

One other seat in the old Puritan meeting-house, a seat of gloom,
still throws its darksome shadow down through the years,--the stool of
repentance. "Barbarous and cruel punishments" were forbidden by the
statutes of the new colony, but on this terrible soul-rack the shrinking,
sullen, or defiant form of some painfully humiliated man or woman sat,
crushed, stunned, stupefied by overwhelming disgrace, through the long
Christian sermon; cowering before the hard, pitiless gaze of the assembled
and godly congregation, and the cold rebuke of the pious minister's averted
face; bearing on the poor sinful head a deep-branding paper inscribed in
"Capitall Letters" with the name of some dark or mysterious crime, or
wearing on the sleeve some strange and dread symbol, or on the breast a
scarlet letter.

Let us thank God that these soul-blasting and hope-killing exposures--so
degrading to the criminal, so demoralizing to the community,--these foul,
in-human blots on our fair and dearly loved Puritan Lord's Day, were never
frequent, nor did the form of punishment obtain for a long time. In 1681
two women were sentenced to sit during service on a high stool in the
middle alley of the Salem meeting-house, having on their heads a paper
bearing the name of their crime; and a woman in Agamenticus at about the
same date was ordered "to stand in a white sheet publicly two several
Sabbath-Days with the mark of her offence on her forehead." These are the
latest records of this punishment that I have chanced to see.

Thus, from old church and town records, we plainly discover that each laic,
deacon, elder, criminal, singer, and even the ungodly boy had his alloted
place as absolutely assigned to him in the old meeting-house as was the
pulpit to the parson. Much has been said in semi-ridicule of this old
custom of "seating" and "dignifying," yet it did not in reality differ much
from our modern way of selling the best pews to whoever will pay the most.
Perhaps the old way was the better, since, in the early churches, age,
education, dignity, and reputation were considered as well as wealth.




VI.

The Tithingman and the Sleepers.



The most grotesque, the most extraordinary, the most highly colored figure
in the dull New England church-life was the tithingman. This fairly
burlesque creature impresses me always with a sense of unreality, of
incongruity, of strange happening, like a jesting clown in a procession of
monks, like a strain of low comedy in the sober religious drama of early
New England Puritan life; so out of place, so unreal is this fussy,
pompous, restless tithingman, with his fantastic wand of office fringed
with dangling foxtails,--creaking, bustling, strutting, peering around the
quiet meeting-house, prodding and rapping the restless boys, waking the
drowsy sleepers; for they slept in country churches in the seventeenth
century, notwithstanding dread of fierce correction, just as they nod
and doze and softly puff, unawakened and unrebuked, in village churches
throughout New England in the nineteenth century.

This absurd and distorted type of the English church beadle, this colonial
sleep banisher, was equipped with a long staff, heavily knobbed at one end,
with which he severely and pitilessly rapped the heads of the too sleepy
men, and the too wide-awake boys. From the other end of this wand of office
depended a long foxtail, or a hare's-foot, which he softly thrust in the
faces of the sleeping Priscillas, Charitys, and Hopestills, and which
gently brushed and tickled them into reverent but startled wakefulness.

One zealous but too impetuous tithingman in his pious ardor of office
inadvertently applied the wrong end, the end with the heavy knob, the
masculine end, to a drowsy matron's head; and for this severely ungallant
mistake he was cautioned by the ruling elders to thereafter use "more
discresing and less heist."

Another over-watchful Newbury "awakener" rapped on the head a nodding man
who protested indignantly that he was wide-awake, and was only bowing in
solemn assent and approval of the minister's arguments. Roger Scott, of
Lynn, in 1643 struck the tithingman who thus roughly and suddenly wakened
him; and poor sleepy and bewildered Roger, who is branded through all time
as "a common sleeper at the publick exercise," was, for this most naturally
resentful act, but also most shockingly grave offence, soundly whipped, as
a warning both to keep awake and not to strike back in meeting.

Obadiah Turner, of Lynn, gives in his Journal a sad, sad disclosure of
total depravity which was exposed by one of these sudden church-awakenings,
and the story is best told in the journalist's own vivid words:--

"June 3, 1616.--Allen Bridges hath bin chose to wake ye sleepers in
meeting. And being much proude of his place, must needs have a fox taile
fixed to ye ende of a long staff wherewith he may brush ye faces of them yt
will have napps in time of discourse, likewise a sharpe thorne whereby he
may pricke such as be most sound. On ye last Lord his day, as hee strutted
about ye meeting-house, he did spy Mr. Tomlins sleeping with much comfort,
hys head kept steadie by being in ye corner, and his hand grasping ye rail.
And soe spying, Allen did quickly thrust his staff behind Dame Ballard and
give him a grievous prick upon ye hand. Whereupon Mr. Tomlins did spring
vpp mch above ye floore, and with terrible force strike hys hand against
ye wall; and also, to ye great wonder of all, prophanlie exclaim in a loud
voice, curse ye wood-chuck, he dreaming so it seemed yt a wood-chuck had
seized and bit his hand. But on coming to know where he was, and ye greate
scandall he had committed, he seemed much abashed, but did not speak. And I
think he will not soon again goe to sleepe in meeting."

How clear the picture! Can you not see it?--the warm June sunlight
streaming in through the narrow, dusty windows of the old meeting-house;
the armed watcher at the door; the Puritan men and women in their
sad-colored mantles seated sternly upright on the hard narrow benches; the
black-gowned minister, the droning murmur of whose sleepy voice mingles
with the out-door sounds of the rustle of leafy branches, the song of
summer birds, the hum of buzzing insects, and the muffled stamping of
horses' feet; the restless boys on the pulpit-stairs; the tired, sleeping
Puritan with his head thrown back in the corner of the pew; the vain,
strutting, tithingman with his fantastic and thornéd staff of office; and
then--the sudden, electric wakening, and the consternation of the whole
staid and pious congregation at such terrible profanity in the house of
God. Ah!--it was not two hundred and forty years ago; when I read the
quaint words my Puritan blood stirs my drowsy brain, and I remember it all
well, just as I saw it last summer in June.

Another catastrophe from too fierce zeal on the part of the tithingman
is recorded. An old farmer, worn out with a hard Saturday's work at
sheep-washing, fell asleep ere the hour-glass had once been turned. Though
he was a man of dignity, for he sat in his own pew, he could not escape the
rod of the pragmatical tithingman. Being rudely disturbed, but not wholly
wakened, the bewildered sheep-farmer sprung to his feet, seized his
astonished and mortified wife by the shoulders and shook her violently,
shouting at the top of his voice, "Haw back! haw back! Stand still, will
ye?" Poor goodman and goodwife! many years elapsed ere they recovered from
that keen disgrace.

The ministers encouraged and urged the tithingmen to faithfully perform
their allotted work. One early minister "did not love sleepers in ye
meeting-house, and would stop short in ye exercise and call pleasantlie to
wake ye sleepers, and once of a warm Summer afternoon he did take hys hat
off from ye pegg in ye beam, and put it on, saying he would go home and
feed his fowles and come back again, and maybe their sleepe would be ended,
and they readie to hear ye remainder of hys discourse." Another time he
suggested that they might like better the Church of England service of
sitting down and standing up, and we can be sure that this "was competent
to keepe their eyes open for a twelvemonth."

All this was in the church of Mr. Whiting, of Lynn, a somewhat jocose
Puritan,--if jocularity in a Puritan is not too anomalous an attribute
to have ever existed. We can be sure that there was neither sleeping nor
jesting allusion to such an irreverence in Mr. Mather's, Mr. Welde's, or
Mr. Cotton's meetings. In many rigidly severe towns, as in Portsmouth in
1662 and in Boston in 1667, it was ordered by the selectmen as a proper
means of punishment that a "cage be made or some other means invented for
such as sleepe on the Lord's Daie." Perhaps they woke the offender up and
rudely and summarily dragged him out and caged him at once and kept him
thus prisoned throughout the nooning,--a veritable jail-bird.

A rather unconventional and eccentric preacher in Newbury awoke one sleeper
in a most novel manner. The first name of the sleeping man was Mark, and
the preacher in his sermon made use of these Biblical words: "I say unto
you, mark the perfect man and behold the upright." But in the midst of his
low, monotonous sermon-voice he roared out the word "mark" in a loud shout
that brought the dozing Mark to his feet, bewildered but wide awake.

Mr. Moody, of York, Maine, employed a similar device to awaken and mortify
the sleepers in meeting. He shouted "Fire, fire, fire!" and when the
startled and blinking men jumped up, calling out "Where?" he roared back in
turn, "In hell, for sleeping sinners." Rev. Mr. Phillips, of Andover, in
1755, openly rebuked his congregation for "sleeping away a great part of
the sermon;" and on the Sunday following an earthquake shock which was felt
throughout New England, he said he hoped the "Glorious Lord of the Sabbath
had given them such a shaking as would keep them awake through one
sermon-time." Other and more autocratic parsons did not hesitate to call
out their sleeping parishioners plainly by name, sternly telling them also
to "Wake up!" A minister in Brunswick, Maine, thus pointedly wakened one of
his sweet-sleeping church-attendants, a man of some dignity and standing
in the community, and received the shocking and tautological answer, "Mind
your own business, and go on with your sermon."

The women would sometimes nap a little without being discovered. "Ye women
may sometimes sleepe and none know by reason of their enormous bonnets. Mr.
Whiting doth pleasantlie say from ye pulpit hee doth seeme to be preaching
to stacks of straw with men among them."

From this seventeenth-century comment upon the size of the women's bonnets,
it may be seen that objections to women's overwhelming and obscuring
headgear in public assemblies are not entirely complaining protests of
modern growth. Other records refer to the annoyance from the exaggerated
size of bonnets. In 1769 the church in Andover openly "put to vote whether
the parish Disapprove of the Female sex sitting with their Hats on in the
Meeting-house in time of Divine Service as being Indecent." The parish did
Disapprove, with a capital D, for the vote passed in the affirmative. There
is no record, however, to tell whether the Indecent fashion was abandoned,
but I warrant no tithingman was powerful enough to make Andover women take
off their proudly worn Sunday bonnets if they did not want to. Another town
voted that it was the "Town's Mind" that the women should take off their
bonnets and "hang them on the peggs," as did the men their headgear. But
the Town's Mind was not a Woman's Mind; and the big-bonnet wearers, vain
though they were Puritans, did as they pleased with their own bonnets.
And indeed, in spite of votes and in spite of expostulations, the female
descendants of the Puritans, through constantly recurring waves of fashion,
have ever since been indecently wearing great obscuring hats and bonnets in
public assemblies, even up to the present day.

The tithingman had other duties than awakening the sleepers and looking
after "the boyes that playes and rapping those boyes,"--in short, seeing
that every one was attentive in meeting except himself,--and the duties
and powers of the office varied in different communities. Several of these
officers were appointed in each parish. In Newbury, in 1688, there were
twenty tithingmen, and in Salem twenty-five. They were men of authority,
not only on Sunday, but throughout the entire week. Each had several
neighboring families (usually ten, as the word "tithing" would signify)
under his charge to watch during the week, to enforce the learning of the
catechism at home, especially by the children, and sometimes he heard them
"Say their Chatachize." These families he also watched specially on the
Sabbath, and reported whether all the members thereof attended public
worship. Not content with mounting guard over the boys on Sundays, he also
watched on weekdays to keep boys and "all persons from swimming in the
water." Do you think his duties were light in July and August, when school
was out, to watch the boys of ten families? One man watching one family
cannot prevent such "violations of the peace" in country towns now-a-days.
He sometimes inspected the "ordinaries" and made complaint of any disorders
which he there discovered, and gave in the names of "idle tiplers and
gamers," and he could warn the tavern-keeper to sell no more liquor to any
toper whom he knew or fancied was drinking too heavily. Josselyn complained
bitterly that during his visit to New England in 1663 at "houses of
entertainment called ordinaries into which a stranger went, he was
presently followed by one appointed to that office who would thrust himself
into his company uninvited, and if he called for more drink than the
officer thought in his judgment he could soberly bear away, he would
presently countermand it, and appoint the proportion beyond which he could
not get one drop." The tithingman had a "spetial eye-out" on all bachelors,
who were also carefully spied upon by the constables, deacons, elders,
and heads of families in general. He might, perhaps, help to collect the
ministerial rate, though his principal duty was by no means the collecting
of tithes. He "worned peple out of ye towne." This warning was not at all
because the new-comers were objectionable or undesired, but was simply a
legal form of precaution, so that the parish would never be liable for the
keeping of the "worned" ones in case they thereafter became paupers. He
administered the "oath of fidelity" to new inhabitants. The tithingman
also watched to see that "no young people walked abroad on the eve of the
Sabbath,"--that is, on a Saturday night. He also marked and reported all
those "who lye at home," and others who "prophanely behaved, lingered
without dores at meeting time on the Lordes Daie," all the "sons of Belial
strutting about, setting on fences, and otherwise desecrating the
day." These last two classes of offenders were first admonished by the
tithingman, then "Sett in stocks," and then cited before the Court. They
were also confined in the cage on the meeting-house green, with the Lord's
Day sleepers. The tithingman could arrest any who walked or rode at too
fast a pace to and from meeting, and he could arrest any who "walked or
rode unnecessarily on the Sabath." Great and small alike were under his
control, as this notice from the "Columbian Centinel" of December, 1789,
abundantly proves. It is entitled "The President and the Tything man:"--

    "The President, on his return to New York from his late tour through
    Connecticut, having missed his way on Saturday, was obliged to ride a
    few miles on Sunday morning in order to gain the town at which he had
    previously proposed to have attended divine service. Before he arrived
    however he was met by a Tything man, who commanding him to stop,
    demanded the occasion of his riding; and it was not until the President
    had informed him of every circumstance and promised to go no further
    than the town intended that the Tything man would permit him to proceed
    on his journey."

Various were the subterfuges to outwit the tithingman and elude his
vigilance on the Sabbath. We all remember the amusing incident in "Oldtown
Folks." A similar one really happened. Two gay young sparks driving through
the town on the Sabbath were stopped by the tithingman; one offender said
mournfully in excuse of his Sabbath travel, "My grandmother is lying dead
in the next town." Being allowed to drive on, he stood up in his wagon when
at a safe distance and impudently shouted back, "And she's been lying dead
in the graveyard there for thirty years."

Thus it may be seen that the ancient tithingman was pre-eminently a general
_snook_, to use an old and expressive word,--an informer, both in and
out of meeting,--a very necessary, but somewhat odious, and certainly at
times very absurd officer. He was in a degree a constable, a selectman, a
teacher, a tax-collector, an inspector, a sexton, a home-watcher, and above
all, a Puritan Bumble, whose motto was _Hie et ubique_. He was, in
fact, a general law-enforcer and order-keeper, whose various duties,
wherever still necessary and still performed, are now apportioned to
several individuals. The ecclesiastical functions and authority of the
tithingman lingered long after the civil powers had been removed or had
gradually passed away from his office. Persons are now living who in their
early and unruly youth were rapped at and pointed at by a New England
tithingman when they laughed or were noisy in meeting.




VII.

The Length of the Service.


Watches were unknown in the early colonial days of New England, and for a
long time after their introduction both watches and clocks were costly and
rare. John Davenport of New Haven, who died in 1670, left a clock to his
heirs; and E. Needham, who died in 1677, left a "Striking clock, a watch,
and a Larum that dus not Strike," worth £5; these are perhaps the first
records of the ownership of clocks and watches in New England. The time of
the day was indicated to our forefathers in their homes by "noon marks" on
the floor or window-seats, and by picturesque sundials; and in the
civil and religious meetings the passage of time was marked by a strong
brass-bound hour-glass, which stood on a desk below or beside the pulpit,
or which was raised on a slender iron rod and standard, so that all the
members of the congregation could easily watch "the sands that ran i' the
clock's behalf." By the side of the desk sat, on the Sabbath, a sexton,
clerk, or tithingman, whose duty it was to turn the hour-glass as often
as the sands ran out. This was a very ostentatious way of reminding the
clergyman how long he had preached; but if it were a hint to bring the
discourse to an end, it was never heeded; for contemporary historical
registers tell of most painfully long sermons, reaching up through long
sub-divisions and heads to "twenty-seventhly" and "twenty-eighthly."

At the planting of the first church in Woburn, Massachusetts, the Rev.
Mr. Symmes showed his godliness and endurance (and proved that of his
parishioners also) by preaching between four and five hours. Sermons which
occupied two or three hours were customary enough. One old Scotch clergyman
in Vermont, in the early years of this century, bitterly and fiercely
resented the "popish innovation and Sabbath profanation" of a Sunday-school
for the children, which some daring and progressive parishioners proposed
to hold at the "nooning." This canny Parson Whiteinch very craftily and
somewhat maliciously prolonged his morning sermons until they each occupied
three hours; thus he shortened the time between the two services to about
half an hour, and victoriously crowded out the Sunday-school innovators,
who had barely time to eat their cold lunch and care for their waiting
horses, ere it was time for the afternoon service to begin. But one man
cannot stop the tide, though he may keep it for a short time from one
guarded and sheltered spot; and the rebellious Vermont congregation, after
two or three years of tedious three-hour sermons, arose in a body and
crowded out the purposely prolix preacher, and established the wished-for
Sunday-school. The vanquished parson thereafter sullenly spent the noonings
in the horse-shed, to which he ostentatiously carried the big church-Bible
in order that it might not be at the service of the profaning teachers.

An irreverent caricature of the colonial days represents a phenomenally
long-preaching clergyman as turning the hour-glass by the side of his
pulpit and addressing his congregation thus, "Come! you are all good
fellows, we'll take another glass together!" It is recorded of Rev. Urian
Oakes that often the hour-glass was turned four times during one of his
sermons. The warning legend, "Be Short," which Cotton Mather inscribed over
his study door was not written over his pulpit; for he wrote in his diary
that at his own ordination he prayed for an hour and a quarter, and
preached for an hour and three quarters. Added to the other ordination
exercises these long Mather addresses must have been tiresome enough.
Nathaniel Ward deplored at that time, "Wee have a strong weakness in New
England that when wee are speaking, wee know not how to conclude: wee make
many ends before wee make an end."

Dr. Lord of Norwich always made a prayer which was one hour long; and an
early Dutch traveller who visited New England asserted that he had heard
there on Fast Day a prayer which was two hours long. These long prayers
were universal and most highly esteemed,--a "poor gift in prayer" being a
most deplored and even despised clerical short-coming. Had not the Puritans
left the Church of England to escape "stinted prayers"? Whitefield prayed
openly for Parson Barrett of Hopkinton, who could pray neither freely, nor
well, that "God would open this dumb dog's mouth;" and everywhere in the
Puritan Church, precatory eloquence as evinced in long prayers was felt to
be the greatest glory of the minister, and the highest tribute to God.

In nearly all the churches the assembled people stood during prayer-time
(since kneeling and bowing the head savored of Romish idolatry) and in the
middle of his petition the minister usually made a long pause in order that
any who were infirm or ill might let down their slamming pew-seats and sit
down; those who were merely weary stood patiently to the long and painfully
deferred end. This custom of standing during prayer-time prevailed in the
Congregational churches in New England until quite a recent date, and is
not yet obsolete in isolated communities and in solitary cases. I have seen
within a few years, in a country church, a feeble, white-haired old deacon
rise tremblingly at the preacher's solemn words "Let us unite in prayer,"
and stand with bowed head throughout the long prayer; thus pathetically
clinging to the reverent custom of the olden time, he rendered tender
tribute to vanished youth, gave equal tribute to eternal hope and faith,
and formed a beautiful emblem of patient readiness for the last solemn
summons.

Sometimes tedious expounding of the Scriptures and long "prophesying"
lengthened out the already too long service. Judge Sewall recorded that
once when he addressed or expounded at the Plymouth Church, "being afraid
to look at the glass, ignorantly and unwittingly I stood two hours and a
half," which was doing pretty well for a layman.

The members of the early churches did not dislike these long preachings and
prophesyings; they would have regarded a short sermon as irreligious,
and lacking in reverence, and besides, would have felt that they had not
received in it their full due, their full money's worth. They often fell
asleep and were fiercely awakened by the tithingman, and often they could
not have understood the verbose and grandiose language of the preacher.
They were in an icy-cold atmosphere in winter, and in glaring, unshaded
heat in summer, and upon most uncomfortable, narrow, uncushioned seats at
all seasons; but in every record and journal which I have read, throughout
which ministers and laymen recorded all the annoyances and opposition which
the preachers encountered, I have never seen one entry of any complaint or
ill-criticism of too long praying or preaching. Indeed, when Rev. Samuel
Torrey, of Weymouth, Massachusetts, prayed two hours without stopping, upon
a public Fast Day in 1696, it is recorded that his audience only wished
that the prayer had been much longer.

When we consider the training and exercise in prayer that the New England
parsons had in their pulpits on Sundays, in their own homes on Saturday
nights, on Lecture Days and Fast Days and Training Days, and indeed upon
all times and occasions, can we wonder at Parson Boardman's prowess in New
Milford in 1735? He visited a "praying" Indian's home wherein lay a sick
papoose over whom a "pow-wow" was being held by a medicine-man at the
request of the squaw-mother, who was still a heathen. The Christian warrior
determined to fight the Indian witch-doctor on his own grounds, and while
the medicine-man was screaming and yelling and dancing in order to cast the
devil out ol the child, the parson began to pray with equal vigor and power
of lungs to cast out the devil of a medicine-man. As the prayer and
pow-wow proceeded the neighboring Indians gathered around, and soon became
seriously alarmed for the success of their prophet. The battle raged for
three hours, when the pow-wow ended, and the disgusted and exhausted Indian
ran out of the wigwam and jumped into the Housatonic River to cool his
heated blood, leaving the Puritan minister triumphant in the belief, and
indeed with positive proof, that he could pray down any man or devil.

The colonists could not leave the meeting-house before the long sen ices
were ended, even had they wished, for the tithingman allowed no deserters.
In Salem, in 1676, it was "ordered by ye Selectmen yt the three Constables
doe attend att ye three greate doores of ye meeting-house every Lordes Day
att ye end of ye sermon, both forenoone and afternoone, and to keep ye
doores fast and suffer none to goe out before ye whole exercises bee
ended." Thus Salem people had to listen to no end of praying and
prophesying from their ministers and elders for they "couldn't get out."

As the years passed on, the church attendants became less referential and
much more impatient and fearless, and soon after the Revolutionary War one
man in Medford made a bargain with his minister--Rev. Dr. Osgood--that he
would attend regularly the church services every Sunday morning, provided
he could always leave at twelve o'clock. On each Sabbath thereafter, as
the obstinate preacher would not end his sermon one minute sooner than
his habitual time, which was long after twelve, the equally stubborn
limited-time worshipper arose at noon, as he had stipulated, and stalked
noisily out of meeting.

A minister about to preach in a neighboring parish was told of a custom
which prevailed there of persons who lived at a distance rising and leaving
the house ere the sermon was ended. He determined to teach them a lesson,
and announced that he would preach the first part of his sermon to the
sinners, and the latter part to the saints, and that the sinners would of
course all leave as soon as their portion had been delivered. Every soul
remained until the end of the service.

At last, when other means of entertainment and recreation than church-going
became common, and other forms of public addresses than sermons were
frequently given, New England church-goers became so restless and
rebellious under the regime of hour-long prayers and indefinitely
protracted sermons that the long services were gradually condensed and
curtailed, to the relief of both preacher and hearers.




VIII.

The Icy Temperature of the Meeting-House.



In colonial days in New England the long and tedious services must have
been hard to endure in the unheated churches in bitter winter weather, so
bitter that, as Judge Sewall pathetically recorded, "The communion bread
was frozen pretty hard and rattled sadly into the plates." Sadly down
through the centuries is ringing in our ears the gloomy rattle of that
frozen sacramental bread on the Church plate, telling to us the solemn
story of the austere and comfortless church-life of our ancestors. Would
that the sound could bring to our chilled hearts the same steadfast and
pure Christian faith that made their gloomy, freezing services warm with
God's loving presence!

Again Judge Sewall wrote: "Extraordinary Cold Storm of Wind and Snow. Blows
much more as coming home at Noon, and so holds on. Bread was frozen at
Lord's Table. Though 't was so cold John Tuckerman was baptized. At six
o'clock my ink freezes, so that I can hardly write by a good fire in my
Wives chamber. Yet was very Comfortable at Meeting." In the penultimate
sentence of this quotation may be found the clue and explanation of the
seemingly incredible assertion in the last sentence. The reason why he was
comfortable in church was that he was accustomed to sit in cold rooms; even
with the great open-mouthed and open-chimneyed fireplaces full of blazing
logs, so little heat entered the rooms of colonial dwelling-houses that one
could not be warm unless fairly within the chimney-place; and thus, even
while sitting by the fire, his ink froze. Another entry of Judge Sewall's
tells of an exceeding cold day when there was "Great Coughing" in meeting,
and yet a new-born baby was brought into the icy church to be baptized.
Children were always carried to the meeting-house for baptism the first
Sunday after birth, even in the most bitter weather. There are no entries
in Judge Sewall's diary which exhibit him in so lovable and gentle a light
as the records of the baptism of his fourteen children,--his pride when
the child did not cry out or shrink from the water in the freezing winter
weather, thus early showing true Puritan fortitude; and also his noble
resolves and hopes for their future. On this especially cold day when a
baby was baptized, the minister prayed for a mitigation of the weather,
and on the same day in another town "Rev. Mr. Wigglesworth preached on the
text, Who can stand before His Cold? Then by his own and people's sickness
three Sabbaths passed without public Worship." February 20 he preached from
these words: "He sends forth his word and thaws them." And the very next
day a thaw set in which was regarded as a direct answer to his prayer and
sermon. Sceptics now-a-days would suggest that he chose well the time to
pray for milder weather.

Many persons now living can remember the universal and noisy turning up
of great-coat collars, the swinging of arms, and knocking together of the
heavy-booted feet of the listeners towards the end of a long winter sermon.
Dr. Hopkins used to say, when the noisy tintamarre began, "My hearers, have
a little patience, and I will soon close."

Another clergyman was irritated beyond endurance by the stamping,
clattering feet, a _supplosio pedis_ that he regarded as an irreverent
protest and complaint against the severity of the weather, rather than as a
hint to him to conclude his long sermon. He suddenly and noisily closed his
sermon-book, leaned forward out of his high pulpit, and thundered out these
Biblical words of rebuke at his freezing congregation, whose startled faces
stared up at him through dense clouds of vapor. "Out of whose womb came the
ice? And the hoary frost of heaven, who hath gendered it? The waters are
hid as with a stone, and the face of the deep is frozen. Knowest thou the
ordinance of heaven? Canst thou set the dominion thereof on the earth?
Great things doth God which we cannot comprehend. He saith to the snow, Be
thou on the earth. By the breath of God frost is given. He causeth it to
come, whether for correction, or for his land, or for mercy. Hearken unto
this. _Stand still_, and consider the wondrous works of God." We can
believe that he roared out the words "stand still," and that there was no
more noise in that meeting-house on cold Sundays during the remainder of
that winter.

The ministers might well argue that no one suffered more from the freezing
atmosphere than they did. In many records I find that they were forced to
preach and pray with their hands cased in woollen or fur mittens or heavy
knit gloves; and they wore long camlet cloaks in the pulpit and covered
their heads with skull caps--as did Judge Sewall--and possibly wore, as he
did also, a _hood_. Many a wig-hating minister must, in the Arctic
meeting-house, have longed secretly for the grateful warmth to his head and
neck of one of those "horrid Bushes of Vanity," a full-bottomed flowing
wig.

On bitter winter days Dr. Stevens of Kittery used to send a servant to the
meeting-house to find out how many of his flock had braved the piercing
blasts. If only seven persons were present, the servant asked them to
return with him to the parsonage to listen to the sermon; but if there were
eight members in the meeting-house he so reported to the Doctor, who then
donned his long worsted cloak, tied it around his waist with a great
handkerchief, and attired thus, with a fur cap pulled down over his ears,
and with heavy mittens on his hands, ploughed through the deep snow to
the church, and in the same dress preached his long, knotty sermon in
his pulpit, while fierce wintry blasts rattled the windows and shook the
turret, and the eight godly, shivering souls wished profoundly that one of
their number had "lain at home in a slothfull, lazey, prophane way," and
thus permitted the seven others and the minister to have the sermon in
comfort in the parsonage kitchen before the great blazing logs in the open
fireplace.

Ah, it makes one shiver even to think of those gloomy churches, growing
colder, and more congealed through weeks of heavy frost and fierce
northwesters until they bore the chill of death itself. One can but
wonder whether that fell scourge of New England, that hereditary
curse--consumption--did not have its first germs evolved and nourished in
our Puritan ancestors by the Spartan custom of sitting through the long
winter services in the icy, death-like meeting-houses.

Of the insufficient clothing of the church attendants of olden times it
is unnecessary to speak with much detail. The goodmen with their heavy
top-boots or jack-boots, their milled or frieze stockings, their warm
periwigs surmounted by fur caps or beaver hats or hoods; and with their
many-caped great-coats or full round cloaks were dressed with a sufficient
degree of comfort, though they did not possess the warm woollen and silken
underclothing which now make a man's winter attire so comfortable. They
carried muffs too, as the advertisements of the times show. The "Boston
News Letter" of 1716 offers a reward for a man's muff lost on the Sabbath
day in the street. In 1725 Dr. Prince lost his black bearskin muff, and in
1740 a "sableskin man's muff" was advertised as having been lost.

But the Puritan goodwives and maidens were dressed in a meagre and scanty
fashion that when now considered seems fairly appalling. As soon as
the colonies grew in wealth and fashion, thin silk or cotton hose were
frequently worn in midwinter by the wives and daughters of well-to-do
colonists; and correspondingly thin cloth or kid or silk slippers,
high-channelled pumps, or low shoes with paper soles and "cross-cut" or
wooden heels were the holiday and Sabbath-day covering for the feet. In wet
weather clogs and pattens formed an extra and much needed protection
when the fair colonists walked. Linen underclothing formed the first
superstructure of the feminine costume and threw its penetrating chill to
the very marrow of the bones. Often in mid-winter the scant-skirted French
calico gowns were made with short elbow sleeves and round, low necks, and
the throat and shoulders were lightly covered with thin lawn neckerchiefs
or dimity tuckers. The flaunting hooped-petticoat of another decade was
worn with a silk or brocade sacque. A thin cloth cape or mantle or spencer,
lined with sarcenet silk, was frequently the only covering for the
shoulders. In examining the treasured contents of old wardrobes, trunks,
and high-chests, and in reading the descriptions of women's winter attire
worn throughout the eighteenth and half through the nineteenth century, I
am convinced that the only portions of Puritan female anatomy that were
clothed with anything approaching respectable regard for health in the
inclement New England climate were the head and the hands. The hands of
"New English dames" were carefully protected with embroidered kid or
leather gloves (for the early New Englanders were great glove wearers) or
with warm knit woollen mittens, though mittens for women's wear were
always fingerless. The well-gloved hands were moreover warmly ensconced in
enormous stuffed muffs of bearskin which were almost as large as a
flour barrel, or in smaller muffs of rabbit-skin or mink or beaver. The
goodwives' heads bore, besides the close caps so universally worn, mufflers
and veils and hoods,--hoods of all kinds and descriptions, from the hoods
of serge and camlet and gauze and black silk that Mistress Estabrook, wife
of the Windham parson, proudly owned and wore, from the prohibited "silk
and tiffany hoods" of the earliest planters down through the centuries'
inflorescence of "hoods of crimson colored persian," "wild bore and hum-hum
long hoods," "pointed velvet capuchins," "scarlet gipsys," "pinnered
and tasselled hoods," "shirred lustring hoods," "hoods of rich pptuna,"
"muskmelon hoods," to the warm quilted "punkin hoods" worn within this
century in country churches. These "punkin-hoods" were quilted with great
rolls of woollen wadding and drawn tight between the rolls with strong
cords. They formed a deafening and heating head-covering which always had
to be loosened and thrust back when the wearer was within doors. It
was only equalled in shapeless clumsiness and unique ugliness by its
summer-sister of the same date, the green silk calash,--that funniest and
quaintest of all New England feminine headgear,--a great sunshade that
could not be called a bonnet, always made of bright green silk shirred on
strong lengths of rattan or whalebone, and extendible after the fashion of
a chaise top. It could be drawn out over the face by a little green ribbon
or "bridle" that was fastened to the extreme front at the top; or it could
be pushed in a close-gathered mass on the back of the head These calashes
were frequently a foot and a half in diameter, and thus stood well up from
the head and did not disarrange the hair nor crush the headdress or cap.
They formed a perfect and easily-adjusted shade from the sun. Masks, too,
the fair Puritans wore to further protect their heads and faces,--masks of
green silk or black vehet, with silver mouthpieces to place within the lips
and thus enable the wearer to keep the mask firmly in place. Sometimes two
little strings with a silver bead at one end were fastened to the mask, and
seined as mouthpieces. With a string and bead at either corner of the
mouth the mask-wearer could talk quite freely while still retaining her
face-covering in its protecting position. These masks were never worn
within doors. In the list of goods ordered by George Washington from Europe
for his fair bride Martha were several of these riding-masks, and the kind
step-father even ordered a supply of small masks for "Miss Custis," his
little step-daughter.

In bitter winter weather women carried to meeting little
foot-stoves,--metal boxes which stood on legs and were filled with hot
coals at home, and a second time during the morning from the hearthstone of
a neighboring farm-house or a noon-house. These foot-warmers helped to make
endurable to the goodwives the icy chill of the meeting-house; and round
their mother's foot-stove the shivering little children sat on their low
crickets, warming their half-frozen fingers.

Some of these foot-stoves were really pretentious church-furnishings. I
have seen one "brassen foot-stove" which had the owner's cipher cut out of
the sheet metal, and from the side was hung a wrought brass chain. By this
chain, a century ago, the shining polished brass stove was carried into
church in the hands of a liveried black man, who held it ostentatiously at
arms' length, that neither ash nor scorch might touch his scarlet velvet
breeches. And after he had tucked it under my lady's tiny feet as she sat
in her pew, he retired to his freezing loft high up among the beams,--the
"Nigger Pew,"--where, I am sorry to record, he more than once solaced and
warmed himself with a bottle of "kill-devil" which he had smuggled into
church, until he fell ignominiously asleep and his drunken snores so
disturbed the minister and the congregation, that two tithingmen were
forced to climb the ladder-like staircase and pull him down and out of
the church and to the neighboring tavern to sleep off the effects of the
liquor. For being "a man and a brother" and, above all, in spite of his
petty idiosyncrasies, a very good and cherished servant, he could not be
thrust out into the snow to freeze to death.

But with the extreme Puritan contempt of comfort even foot-stoves were
not always allowed. The First Church of Roxbury, after having one church
edifice destroyed by fire in 1747, prohibited the use of footstoves in
meeting, and the Roxbury matrons sat with frozen toes in their fine new
meeting-house. The Old South Church of Boston was not so rigid, though it
felt the same dread of fire; for we find this entry on the records of the
church under the date of January 10, 1771: "Whereas, danger is apprehended
from the [foot] stoves that arc frequently left in the meeting-house after
the publick worship is over; Voted, that the Saxton make diligent search on
the Lord's Day evening and in the evening after a lecture, to see if any
stoves are left in the house, and that if he find any there he take them
to his own house; and it is expected that the owners of such stoves make
reasonable satisfaction to the Saxton for his trouble before they take them
away."

In Hardwicke, in 1792, it was ordered that "no stows be carried into our
new meeting-house with fire in them." The Hardwicke women may have found
comfort in a contrivance which is thus described in by an "old inhabitant:"

      "There to warm their feet
  Was seen an article now obsolete,
  A sort of basket tub of braided straw
  Or husks, in which is placed a heated stone,
  Which does half-frozen limbs superbly thaw.
  And warms the marrow of the oldest bone."

In some of the early, poorly built log meeting-houses, fur bags made of
coarse skins, such as wolf-skin, were nailed or tied to the edges of the
benches, and into these bags the worshippers thrust their feet for warmth.
In some communities it was the custom for each family to bring on cold days
its "dogg" to meeting; where, lying at or on his master's feet, he proved
a source of grateful warmth. These animal stoves became such an abounding
nuisance, however, that dog-whippers had to be appointed to serve on
Sundays to drive out the dogs. All through the records of the early
churches we find such entries as this: "Whatsoever doggs come into the
meeting-house in time of public worship, their owners shall each pay
sixpence." Sixpence seems little, but the thrifty and poor Puritans would
rather freeze their toes than pay sixpence for their calorific dogs.

The church members made many rules and regulations to keep the cold out of
the meeting-house during service-time, or perhaps we should say to keep the
wind out. Thus in Woodstock, Connecticut, in 1725 it was ordered that the
"several doors of the meeting-house be taken care of and kept shut in very
cold and windy seasons according to the lying of the wind from time to
time; and that people in such windy weather come in at the leeward doors
only, and take care that they are easily shut both to prevent the breaking
of the doors and the making of a noise." In other churches it was ordered
that "no doors be opened to the windward and only one door to the leeward"
during winter weather.

The first church of Salem built a "cattied chimney twelve feet long" in its
meeting-house in 1662, but five years later it was removed, perhaps through
the colonists' dread lest the building be destroyed by a conflagration
caused by the combustible nature of the materials of which the chimney was
composed. Felt, in his "Annals of Salem," asserts that the First Church of
Boston was the first New England congregation to have a stove for heating
the meeting-house at the time of public worship; this was in 1773. This
statement is incorrect. Mr. Judd says the Hadley church had an iron stove
in their meeting-house as early as 1734--the Hadley people were such
sybarites and novelty-lovers in those early days! The Old South Church of
Boston followed in the luxurious fashion in 1783, and the "Evening Post"
of January 25, 1783, contained a poem of which these four lines show the
criticising and deprecating spirit:--

  "Extinct the sacred fire of love,
    Our zeal grown cold and dead,
  In the house of God we fix a stove
    To warm us in their stead."

Other New England congregations piously froze during service-time well into
this century. The Longmeadow church, early in the field, had a stove in
1810; the Salem people in 1815; and the Medford meeting in 1820. The church
in Brimfield in 1819 refused to pay for a stove, but ordered as some
sacrifice to the desire for comfort, two extra doors placed on the
gallery-stairs to keep out draughts; but when in that town, a few years
later, a subscription was made to buy a church stove, one old member
refused to contribute, saying "good preaching kept him hot enough without
stoves."

As all the church edifices were built without any thought of the
possibility of such comfortable furniture, they had to be adapted as best
they might to the ungainly and unsightly great stoves which were usually
placed in the central aisle of the building. From these cast-iron monsters,
there extended to the nearest windows and projected through them, hideous
stove-pipes that too often spread, from every leaky and ill-fastened
joint, smoke and sooty vapors, and sometimes pyroligneous drippings on the
congregation. Often tin pails to catch the drippings were hung under the
stove-pipes, forming a further chaste and elegant church-decoration. Many
serious objections were made to the stoves besides the aesthetic ones.
It was alleged that they would be the means of starting many destructive
conflagrations; that they caused severe headaches in the church attendants;
and worst of all, that the _heat warped the ladies' tortoise-shell
back-combs_.

The church reformers contended, on the other hand, that no one could
properly receive spiritual comfort while enduring such decided bodily
discomfort. They hoped that with increased physical warmth, fervor in
religion would be equally augmented,--that, as Cowper wrote,--

  "The churches warmed, they would no longer hold
  Such frozen figures, stiff as they are cold."

Many were the quarrels and discussions that arose in New England
communities over the purchase and use of stoves, and many were the meetings
held and votes taken upon the important subject.

"Peter Parley"--Mr. Samuel Goodrich--gave, in his "Recollections," a very
amusing account of the sufferings endured by the wife of an anti-stove
deacon. She came to church with a look of perfect resignation on the
Sabbath of the stove's introduction, and swept past the unwelcome intruder
with averted head, and into her pew. She sat there through the service,
growing paler with the unaccustomed heat, until the minister's words about
"heaping coals of fire" brought too keen a sense of the overwhelming and
unhealthful stove-heat to her mind, and she fainted. She was carried out of
church, and upon recovering said languidly that it "was the heat from the
stove." A most complete and sudden resuscitation was effected, however,
when she was informed of the fact that no fire had as yet been lighted in
the new church-furnishing.

Similar chronicles exist about other New England churches, and bear a
striking resemblance to each other. Rev. Henry Ward Beecher in an address
delivered in New York on December 20, 1853, the anniversary of the Landing
of the Pilgrims, referred to the opposition made to the introduction of
stoves into the old meeting-house in Litchfield, Connecticut, during the
ministry of his father, and gave an amusing account of the results of the
introgression. This allusion called up many reminiscences of anti-stove
wars, and a writer in the "New York Enquirer" told the same story of the
fainting woman in Litchfield meeting, who began to fan herself and at
length swooned, saying when she recovered "that the heat of the horrid
stove had caused her to faint." A correspondent of the "Cleveland Herald"
confirmed the fact that the fainting episode occurred in the Litchfield
meeting-house. The editor of the "Hartford Daily Courant" thus added his
testimony:--

    "Violent opposition had been made to the introduction of a stove in the
    old meeting-house, and an attempt made in vain to induce the soc
    to purchase one. The writer was one of seven young men who finally
    purchased a stove and requested permission to put it up in the
    meeting-house on trial. After much difficulty the committee consented.
    It was all arranged on Saturday afternoon, and on Sunday we took our
    seats in the Bass, rather earlier than usual, to see the fun. It was a
    warm November Sunday, in which the sun shone cheerfully and warmly on
    the old south steps and into the naked windows. The stove stood in the
    middle aisle, rather in front of the Tenor Gallery. People came in and
    stared. Good old Deacon Trowbridge, one of the most simple-hearted and
    worthy men of that generation, had, as Mr. Beecher says, been induced
    to give up his opposition. He shook his head, however, as he felt the
    heat reflected from it, and gathered up the skirts of his great
    as he passed up the broad aisle to the deacon's seat. Old Uncle Noah
    Stone, a wealthy farmer of the West End, who sat near, scowled and
    muttered at the effects of the heat, but waited until noon to utter his
    maledictions over his nut-cakes and cheese at the intermission. There
    had in fact been _no fire in the stove_, the day being too warm.
    We were too much upon the broad grin to be very devotional, and smiled
    rather loudly at the funny things we saw. But when the editor of the
    village paper, Mr. Bunce, came in (who was a believer in stoves in
    churches) and with a most satisfactory air warmed his hands by the
    stove, keeping the skirts of his great-coat carefully between his
    knees, we could stand it no longer but dropped invisible behind the
    breastwork. But the climax of the whole was (as the Cleveland man says)
    when Mrs. Peck went out in the middle of the service. It was, however,
    the means of reconciling the whole society; for after that first day we
    heard no more opposition to the warm stove in the meeting-house."

With all this corroborative evidence I think it is fully proved that the
event really happened in Litchfield, and that the honor was stolen for
other towns by unveracious chroniclers; otherwise we must believe in an
amazing unanimity of church-joking and sham-fainting all over New England.

The very nature, the stern, pleasure-hating and trial-glorying Puritan
nature, which made our forefathers leave their English homes to come, for
the love of God and the freedom of conscience, to these wild, barren, and
unwelcoming shores, made them also endure with fortitude and almost with
satisfaction all personal discomforts, and caused them to cling with
persistent firmness to such outward symbols of austere contempt of
luxury, and such narrow-minded signs of love of simplicity as the lack of
comfortable warmth during the time of public worship. The religion which
they had endured such bitter hardships to establish, did not, in their
minds, need any shielding and coddling to keep it alive, but thrived far
better on Spartan severity and simplicity; hence, it took two centuries of
gradual and most tardy softening and modifying of character to prepare the
Puritan mind for so advanced a reform and luxury as proper warmth in the
meeting-houses in winter.




IX.

The Noon-House.



There might have been seen a hundred years ago, by the side of many an old
meeting-house in New England, a long, low, mean, stable-like building, with
a rough stone chimney at one end. This was the "noon-house," or "Sabba-day
house," or "horse-hows," as it was variously called. It was a place of
refuge in the winter time, at the noon interval between the two services,
for the half-frozen members of the pious congregation, who found there the
grateful warmth which the house of God denied. They built in the rude stone
fireplace a great fire of logs, and in front of the blazing wood ate their
noon-day meal of cold pie, of doughnuts, of pork and peas, or of brown
bread with cheese, which they had brought safely packed in their capacious
saddlebags. The dining-place smelt to heaven of horses, for often at the
further end of the noon-house were stabled the patient steeds that, doubly
burdened, had borne the Puritans and their wives to meeting; but this
stable-odor did not hinder appetite, nor did the warm equine breaths that
helped to temper the atmosphere of the noon-house offend the senses of the
sturdy Puritans. From the blazing fire in this "life-saving station" the
women replenished their little foot-stoves with fresh, hot coals, and thus
helped to make endurable the icy rigor of the long afternoon service.

If the winter Sabbath Day were specially severe, a "hired-man," or one of
the grown sons of the family, was sent at an early hour to the noon-house
in advance of the other church-attendants, and he started in the rough
fireplace a fire for their welcome after their long, cold, morning ride;
and before its cheerful blaze they thoroughly warmed themselves before
entering the icy meeting-house. The embers were carefully covered over
and left to start a second blaze at the nooning, covered again during the
afternoon service, and kindled up still a third time to warm the chilled
worshippers ere they started for their cold ride home in the winter
twilight. And when the horses were saddled, or were harnessed and hitched
into the great box-sleighs or "pungs," and when the good Puritans were well
wrapped up, the dying coals were raked out for safety and the noon-house
was left as quiet and as cold as the deserted meeting-house until the
following Sabbath or Lecture day.

If the meeting-house chanced to stand in the middle of the town (as was
the universal custom in the earliest colonial days) of course a noon-house
would be rarely built, for it would plainly not be needed. Nor was a
"Sabba-day house" always seen in more lonely situations, if the sanctuary
were placed near the substantial farm-house of a hospitable farmer; for to
that friendly shelter the whole congregation would at noon-time repair and
absorb to the fullest degree the welcome cider and warmth.

In Lexington for many years after the Revolutionary War, the winter
church-goers who came from any distance spent the nooning at the Dudley
Tavern, where a roaring fire was built in the inn-parlor, and there the
women and children ate their midday lunch. The men gathered in the bar-room
and drank flip, and ate the tavern gingerbread and cheese, and talked over
the horrors and glories of the war. In Haverhill, Derby, and many other
towns, the school-house, which was built on the village green beside the
church, was used for a noon-house by the church members, though not by
their horses. The house of learning was never chimneyless and fireless, as
was the house of God.

As churches and towns multiplied, a meeting-house was often built to
accommodate two little settlements or villages (and thus was convenient for
neither), and was frequently placed in an isolated or inconvenient place,
the top of a high hill being perhaps the most inconvenient and the most
favored site. Thus a noon-house became an absolute necessity to Puritan
health and existence, and often two or three were built near one
meeting-house; while in some towns, as in Bristol, a whole row of
disfiguring little "Sabba-day houses" stood on the meeting-house green,
and in them the farmers (as they quaintly expressed in their petitions for
permission to erect the buildings) "kept their duds and horses."

In Derby, after several petitions had been granted to build noon-houses, it
was found necessary, in 1764, to place some restrictions as to the location
of the buildings, which had hitherto evidently been placed with the
characteristically Puritanical indifference to general convenience or
appearance. While the town still permitted the little log-huts to be
erected, and though they could be placed on either side of the highway, it
was ordered that the builders must not so locate them as to "incommode any
highways." As early as 1690 the thoughtful Stonington people built a house
"14 foot square and seven foot posts" with a chimney at one side, for the
express purpose of having a place where their minister, Rev. Mr. Noyes,
could thaw out between services. The New Canaan Church built on the green
beside their meeting-house a fine "Society House," twenty-one feet long
and sixteen feet wide, with a big chimney and fireplace. The horses were
plainly "not in society" in New Canaan, for they were excluded from the
occupancy and privileges of the Society House.

"James June & all that lives at Larences" were allowed to build a
"Sabbath-House" on the green near the New Britain meeting-house "as a
Commodate for their conveniency of comeing to meeting on the Sabbath;" at
the same time James Slason of the same village was given permission to "set
yp a house for ye advantage of his having a place to go to" on the Sabbath.
Frequently the petitions "to build a Sabbath Day House" or a "Housel for
Shelter for Horss" were made in company by several farmers for their joint
use and comfort, as shown by entries in the town and church records of
Norwalk, New Milford, Durham, and Hartford.

Noon-houses were much more frequent in Connecticut than in Massachusetts,
and in several small towns in the former State they were used weekly
between Sunday services until within the memory of persons now living;
and some of the buildings still exist, though changed into granaries or
stables. There was one also in use for many years and until recent years in
Topsfield, in Massachusetts. We chanced upon one still standing on a lonely
Narragansett road. A little enclosed burial-place, with moss-grown and
weather-smoothed head-stones and neglected graves, was by the side of a
filled-in cellar, upon which a church evidently had once stood. At a short
distance from the church-site was a long, low, gray, weather-beaten wooden
building, with a coarse stone-and-mortar chimney at one end, and a great
door at the other. Two small windows, destitute of glass, permitted us
to peer into the interior of this dilapidated old structure, and we saw
within, a floor of beaten earth, a rough stone fireplace, and a few rude
horse-stalls. We felt sure that this tumble-down building had been neither
a dwelling-house nor a stable, but a noon-house; and the occupants of a
neighboring farm-house confirmed our decision. Too worthless to destroy,
too out of the way to be of any use to any person, that old noon-house,
through neglect and isolation, has remained standing until to-day.

It was not until the use of chaises and wagons became universal, and the
new means of conveyance crowded out the old-fashioned saddle and pillion,
and the trotting horse superseded the once fashionable but quickly despised
pacer, that the great stretches of horse-sheds were built which now
surround and disfigure all our country churches. These sheds protect,
of course, both horse and carriage from wind and rain. Few churches had
horse-sheds until after the War of the Revolution, and some not until after
the War of 1812. In 1796 the Longmeadow Church had "liberty to erect a
Horse House in the Meeting House Lane." This horse house was a horse-shed.

The "wretched boys" were not permitted even in these noon-houses to talk,
much less to "sporte and playe." In some parishes it was ordered by the
minister and the deacons that the Bible should be read and expounded
to them, or a sermon be read to keep them quiet during the nooning.
Occasionally some old patriarch would explain to them the notes that he
had taken during the morning sermon. More unbearable still, the boys were
sometimes ordered to explain the notes which they had taken themselves. I
would I had heard some of those explanations! Thus they literally, as was
written in 1774, throve on the "Good Fare of Brown Bread and the Gospell."

In Andover, Judge Phillips left in his will a silver flagon to the church
as an expression of interest and hope that the "laudable practice of
reading between services may be continued so long as even a small number
shall be disposed to attend the exercise." Mr. Abbott left another silver
flagon to the Andover Church to encourage reading between services; though
how this piece of plate encouraged personally, since neither the deacons
nor the boys got it as a prize, cannot be precisely understood. The
noon-house in Andover was a large building with a great chimney and open
fireplace at either end. It has always seemed to me a piece of gratuitous
posthumous cruelty in Judge Phillips and Mr. Abbott to try to cheat those
Andover boys of their noon-time rest and relaxation, and to expect them,
wriggling and twisting with repressed vitality, to listen to a long extra
sermon, read perhaps by some unskilled reader, or explained by some
incapable expounder. The Sabbath-school did not then exist, and was not in
general favor until the noon-houses had begun to disappear. The Reverend
Jedediah Morse, father of the inventor of the electric telegraph, was
almost the first New England clergyman who approved of Sabbath-schools and
established them in his parish. In Salem they were opened in 1808, and the
scholars came at half-past six on Sunday mornings. Fancy the chill and
gloom of the unheated, ill-lighted churches at that hour on winter
mornings. The "Salem Gazette" openly characterized Sunday-schools, when
first suggested, as profanations of the Sabbath, and for years they were
not allowed in many Congregational churches. When the Sabbath-schools
were universally established, and thus the attention and interest of the
children was gained during the noon interval (the time the schools were
usually held in country churches), and when each family sat in its own pew,
and thus the boys were separated, and each under his parents' guardianship,
the "wretched boys" of the Puritan Sabbath disappeared, and well-behaved,
quiet, orderly boys were seen instead in the New England churches.

This fashion of sermon-reading at the nooning happily did not obtain in
all parts of New England. In many villages the meetings in the society
noon-houses were to the townspeople what a Sunday newspaper is to Sunday
readers now-a-days, an advertisement and exposition of all the news of the
past week, and also a suggestion of events to come. At noon they discussed
and wondered at the announcements and publishings which were tacked on
the door of the meeting-house or the notices that had been read from the
pulpit. The men talked in loud voices of the points of the sermon, of the
doctrines of predestination pedobaptism and antipedobaptism, of original
sin, and that most fascinating mystery, the unpardonable sin, and in lower
voices of wolf and bear killing, of the town-meeting, the taxes, the crops
and cattle; and they examined with keen interest one another's horses,
and many a sly bargain in horse-flesh or exchange of cows and pigs was
suggested, bargained over, and clinched in the "Sabba'-day house." Many a
piece of village electioneering was also discussed and "worked" between the
services. The shivering women crowded around the blazing and welcome fire,
and seated themselves on rude benches and log seats while they ate and
exchanged doughnuts, slices of rusk, or pieces of "pumpkin and Indian mixt"
pie, and also gave to each other receipts therefor; and they discoursed
in low voices of their spinning and weaving, of their candle-dipping
or candle-running, of their success or failure in that yearly trial of
patience and skill--their soap-making, of their patterns in quilt-piecing,
and sometimes they slyly exchanged quilt-patterns. A sentence in an old
letter reads thus: "Anne Bradford gave to me last Sabbath in the Noon House
a peecing of the Blazing Star; tis much Finer than the Irish Chain or the
Twin Sisters. I want yelloe peeces for the first joins, small peeces will
do. I will send some of my lilac flowered print for some peeces of Cicelys
yelloe India bed vallants, new peeces not washed peeces." They gave one
another medical advice and prescriptions of "roots and yarbs" for their
"rheumatiz," "neuralgy," and "tissick;" and some took snuff together, while
an ancient dame smoked a quiet pipe. And perhaps (since they were women as
well as Puritans) they glanced with envy, admiration, or disapproval, or
at any rate with close scrutiny, at one another's gowns and bonnets and
cloaks, which the high-walled pews within the meeting-house had carefully
concealed from any inquisitive, neighborly view.

The wood for these beneficent noon-house fires was given by the farmers
of the congregation, a load by each well-to-do land-owner, if it were a
"society-house," and occasionally an apple-growing farmer gave a barrel of
"cyder" to supply internal instead of external warmth. Cider sold in 1782
for six shillings "Old Tenor" a barrel, so it was worth about the same
as the wood both in money value and calorific qualities. A hundred years
previously--in 1679--cider was worth ten shillings a barrel. In 1650, when
first made in America, it was a costly luxury, selling for £4 4s. a barrel.
That this thawed-out Sunday barrel of cider would prove invariably a source
of much refreshment, inspiration, solace, tongue-loosing, and blood-warming
to the chilled and shivering deacons, elders, and farmers who gathered in
the noon-house, any one who has imbibed that all-potent and intoxicating
beverage, oft-frozen "hard" cider, can fervently testify.

Sometimes a very opulent farmer having built a noon-house for his own and
his family's exclusive use, would keep in it as part of his "duds" a few
simple cooking utensils in which his wife or daughters would re-heat or
partially cook his noon-day Sabbath meal, and mix for him a hot toddy or
punch, or a mug of that "most insinuating drink"--flip. Flip was made of
home-brewed beer, sugar, and a liberal dash of Jamaica rum, and was mixed
with a "logger-head"--a great iron "stirring-stick" which was heated in the
fire until red hot and then thrust into the liquid. This seething iron made
the flip boil and bubble and imparted to it a burnt, bitter taste which was
its most attractive attribute. I doubt not that many a "loggerhead" was
kept in New England noon-houses and left heating and gathering insinuating
goodness in the glowing coals, while the pious owner sat freezing in the
meeting-house, also gathering goodness, but internally keeping warm at the
thought of the bitter nectar he should speedily brew and gladly imbibe at
the close of the long service.

The comfort of a hot midday dinner on the Sabbath was not regarded with
much favor, though perhaps with secret envy, by the neighbors of the
luxury-loving farmer, who saw in it too close an approach to "profanation
of the Sabbath." The heating and boiling of the flip with the red hot
"loggerhead" hardly came under the head of "unnecessary Sabbath cooking"
even in the minds of the most straight-laced descendants of the Puritans.

When stoves were placed and used in the New England meeting-houses, the
noon-day lunches were eaten within the pews inside the sanctuary, and the
noon-houses, no longer being needed, followed the law of cause and effect,
and like many other institutions of the olden times quickly disappeared.




X.

The Deacon's Office.



The deacons in the early New England churches had, besides their regular
duties on the Lord's Day, and their special duties on communion Sabbaths,
the charge of prudential concerns, and of providing for the poor of the
church. They also "dispensed the word" on Sabbaths to the congregation
during the absence of the ordained minister. Judge Sewall thus describes
in his diary under the date of November, 1685, the method at that time of
appointing or ordaining a deacon:--

    "In afternoon Mr. Willard ordained our Brother Theophilus Frary to the
    office of a Deacon. Declared his acceptance January 11th first
    now again. Propounded him to the congregation at Noon. Then in even
    propounded him if any of the church of other had to object they might
    speak. Then took the Church's Vote, then call'd him up to the Pulpit,
    laid his Hand on's head, and said I ordain Thee, etc., etc., gave him
    his charge, then Prayed & sung 2nd Part of 84th Psalm."

The deacons always sat near the pulpit in a pew, which was generally
raised a foot or two above the level of the meeting-house floor, and which
contained, usually, several high-backed chairs and a table or a broad
swinging-shelf for use at the communion service. These venerable men were
a group of awe-inspiring figures, who, next to the parson, received the
respect of the community. In Bristol, Connecticut, the deacons wore
starched white linen caps in the meeting-house to indicate their office,--a
singular local custom. One of their duties in many communities was
naturally to furnish the sacramental wines, and the money for the payment
thereof was allowed to them from the church-rates, or was raised by special
taxation. In Farmington, Connecticut, in 1669, each male inhabitant was
ordered to pay a peck of wheat or one shilling to the deacons of the church
to defray the expenses of the sacrament. In Groton church, in 1759, "4
Coppers for every Sacrament for 1 year" was demanded from each communicant.
In Springfield the "deacon's rate" was paid in "wampam,"--sixpence in
"wampam" or a peck of Indian corn from each family in the town. This
special tax was somewhat modified in case a man had no wife, or if he were
not a church-member, but in the latter case he still had to pay some dues,
though of course he could not take part in the communion service. In 1734
the Milton church ordered the deacons to procure "good Canary Wine for
the Communion Table." Abuses sometimes arose,--abominably poor wines were
furnished, though full rates were paid for the purchase of wine of
good quality; and in Newbury the man who was appointed to furnish the
sacramental wines, sold, under that religious cover, wine and liquors at
retail.

The deacons also had charge of the vessels used in the communion service.
These vessels were frequently stored, when not in use, under the pulpit in
a little closet which opened into "the Ministers wives pue," and which was
fabled to be at the disposal of the tithingmen and deacons for the darksome
incarceration of unruly and Sabbath-breaking boys. The communion vessels
were not always of valuable metal; John Cotton's first church had wooden
chalices; the wealthier churches owned pieces of silver which had been
given to them, one piece at a time, by members or friends of the church;
but communion services of pewter were often seen.

The church in Hanover, Massachusetts, bought a pewter service in 1728, and
the record of the purchase still exists. It runs thus:--

  3 Pewter Tankards marked C. T.    10 shillings.
  5   "    Beakers    "    C. E.    6 sh. 6d. each.
  2   "    Platters   "    C. P.    5 sh. each.
  1   "    Basin for Baptisms.

This pewter service is still owned by the Hanover church, a highly prized
relic. Until 1753 the church in Andover used a pewter communion service,
but when a silver service was given to it, the Andover church sent the
vessels of baser metal to a sister church in Methuen. In Haverhill the will
of a church-member named White gave to the church absolutely the pewter
dishes which were used at the sacrament, and which had been his personal
property. The "ffirst church" of Hartford had "one Puter fflagon, ffower
pewter dishes, and a bason" left to it by the bequest of one of its
members. When the Danvers church was burned in 1805, the pewter communion
vessels were saved while the silver ones were either burnt or stolen. As
pewter was, in the early days of New England, far from being a despised
metal, and as pewter dishes and plates were seen on the tables of the
wealthiest families, were left by will as precious possessions, were
engraved with initials and stamped with coats of arms, and polished with
as much care as were silver vessels, a communion service of pewter was
doubtless felt to be a thoroughly satisfactory acquisition and appointment
to a Puritan church.

The deacons of course took charge of the church contributions. Lechford,
in his "Plaine Dealing," thus describes the manner of giving in the Boston
church in 1641:--

    "Baptism being ended, follows the contribution, one of the deacons
    saying, 'Brethren of the Congregation, now there is time left for
    contribution, whereof as God has prospered you so freely offer.' The
    Magistrates and chief gentlemen first, and then the Elders and all the
    Congregation of them, and most of them that are not of the church, all
    single persons, widows and women in absence of their husbands, came up
    one after another one way, and bring their offering to the deacon at
    his seat, and put it into a box of wood for the purpose, if it be money
    or papers. If it be any other Chattel they set or lay it down before
    the deacons; and so pass on another way to their seats again; which
    money and goods the Deacons dispose towards the maintenance of the
    Minister, and the poor of the Church, and the Churches occasions
    without making account ordinarily."

Lechford also said he saw a "faire gilt cup" given at the public
contribution; and other gifts of value to the church and minister were
often made. Libellous verses too were thrown into the contribution boxes,
and warning and gloomy messages from the Quakers; and John Rogers,
in derision of a pompous New London minister, threw in the insulting
contribution of an old periwig. One Puritan goodwife, sternly unforgiving,
never saw a contribution taken for proselyting the Indians without
depositing in the contribution-box a number of leaden bullets, the only
tokens she wished to see ever dispersed among the red men.

Even our pious forefathers were not always quite honest in their church
contributions, and had to be publicly warned, as the records show, that
they must deposit "wampum without break or deforming spots," or "passable
peage without breaches." The New Haven church was particularly tormented by
canny Puritans who thus managed to dispose of their broken and worthless
currency with apparent Christian generosity. In 1650 the New Haven "deacons
informed the Court that the wampum which is putt into the Church Treasury
is generally so bad that the Elders to whom they pay it cannot pay it
away."

In 1651, as the bad wampum was still paid in by the pious New Haven
Puritans, it was ordered that "no money save silver or bills" be accepted
by the deacons. After this order the deacons and elders found tremendous
difficulty in getting any contributions at all, and many are the records of
the actions and decisions of the church in regard to the perplexing matter.
It should be said, in justice to the New Haven colonists, though they were
the most opulent of the New England planters, save the wealthy settlers
of Narragansett, that money of all kinds was scarce, and that the Indian
money, wampum-peag, being made of a comparatively frail sea-shell, was more
easily disfigured and broken than was metal coin; and that there was little
transferable wealth in the community anyway, even in "Country Pay." The
broken-wampum-giver of the seventeenth century, who contributed with intent
to defraud and deceive the infant struggling church was the direct and
lineal ancestor of the sanctimonious button-giver of nineteenth-century
country churches.

In Revolutionary times, after the divine service, special contributions
were taken for the benefit of the Continental Army. In New England large
quantities of valuable articles were thus collected. Not only money, but
finger-rings, earrings, watches, and other jewelry, all kinds of male
attire,--stockings, hats, coats, breeches, shoes,--produce and groceries of
all kinds, were brought to the meeting-house to give to the soldiers. Even
the leaden weights were taken out of the window-sashes, made into bullets,
and brought to meeting. On one occasion Madam Faith Trumbull rose up in
Lebanon meeting-house in Connecticut, when a collection was being made for
the army, took from her shoulders a magnificent scarlet cloak, which had
been a present to her from Count Rochambeau, the commander-in-chief of the
French allied army, and advancing to the altar, gave it as her offering to
the gallant men, who were fighting not only the British army, but terrible
want and suffering. The fine cloak was cut into narrow strips and used as
red trimmings for the uniforms of the soldiers. The romantic impressiveness
of Madam Trumbull's patriotic act kindled warm enthusiasm in the
congregation, and an enormous collection was taken, packed carefully, and
sent to the army.

One early duty of the deacons which was religiously and severely performed
was to watch that no one but an accepted communicant should partake of the
holy sacrament. One stern old Puritan, having been officially expelled from
church-membership for some temporal rather than spiritual offence, though
ignored by the all-powerful deacon, still refused to consider himself
excommunicated, and calmly and doggedly attended the communion service
bearing his own wine and bread, and in the solitude of his own pew communed
with God, if not with his fellow-men. For nearly twenty years did this
austere man rigidly go through this lonely and sad ceremonial, until he
conquered by sheer obstinacy and determination, and was again admitted to
church-fellowship.

A very extraordinary custom prevailed in several New England churches.
Through it the deacons were assigned a strange and serious duty which
appeared to make them all-important and possibly self-important, and
which must have weighed heavily upon them, were they truly godly, and
conscientious in the performance of it. In the rocky little town of Pelham
in the heart of Massachusetts, toward the close of the eighteenth century
and during the pastorate of the notorious thief, counterfeiter, and forger,
Rev. Stephen Burroughs, that remarkable rogue organized and introduced to
his parishioners the custom of giving during the month a metal check to
each worthy and truly virtuous church-member, on presentation of which the
check-bearer was entitled to partake of the communion, and without which he
was temporarily excommunicated. The duty of the deacon in this matter was
to walk up and down the aisles of the church at the close of each service
and deliver to the proper persons (proper in the deacon's halting human
judgment) the significant checks. The deacon had also to see that this
religionistic ticket was presented on the communion Sabbath. Great must
have been the disgrace of one who found himself checkless at the end of the
month, and greater even than the heart-burnings over seating the meeting
must have been the jealousies and church quarrels that arose over the
communion-checks. And yet no records of the protests or complaints of
indignant or grieving parishioners can be found, and the existence of
the too worldly, too business-like custom is known to us only through
tradition.

Many of the little chips called "Presbyterian checks" are, however, still
in existence. They are oblong discs of pewter, about an inch and a half
long, bearing the initials "P. P.," which stand, it is said, for "Pelham
Presbyterian." I could not but reflect, as I looked at the simple little
stamped slips of metal, that in a community so successful in the difficult
work of counterfeiting coin, it would have been very easy to form a mould
and cast from it spurious checks with which to circumvent the deacons and
preserve due dignity in the meeting.

The Presbyterian checks have never been attributed in Massachusetts to
other than the Pelham church, and are usually found in towns in the
vicinity of Pelham; and there the story of their purpose and use is
universally and implicitly believed. A clergyman of the Pelham church gave
to many of his friends these Presbyterian checks, which he had found among
the disused and valueless church-properties, and the little relics of the
old-time deacons and services have been carefully preserved.

In New Hampshire, however, a similar custom prevailed in the churches of
Londonderry and the neighboring towns.. The Londonderry settlers were
Scotch-Irish Presbyterians (and the Pelham planters were an off-shoot of
the Londonderry settlement), and they followed the custom of the Scotch
Presbyterians in convening the churches twice a year to partake of the
Lord's Supper. This assembly was always held in Londonderry, and ministers
and congregations gathered from all the towns around. Preparatory services
were held on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday. Long tables were placed in
the aisles of the church on the Sabbath; and after a protracted and solemn
address upon the deep meaning of the celebration and the duties of the
church-members, the oldest members of the congregation were seated at the
table and partook of the sacrament. Thin cakes of unleavened bread were
specially prepared for this sacred service. Again and again were the tables
refilled with communicants, for often seven hundred church-members were
present. Thus the services were prolonged from early morning until
nightfall. When so many were to partake of the Lord's Supper, it seemed
necessary to take means to prevent any unworthy or improper person from
presenting himself. Hence the tables were fenced off, and each communicant
was obliged to present a "token." These tokens were similar to the
"Presbyterian checks;" they were little strips of lead or pewter stamped
with the initials "L. D.," which may have stood for "Londonderry" or
"Lord's Day." They were presented during the year by the deacons and elders
to worthy and pious church-members. This bi-annual celebration of the
Lord's Supper--this gathering of old friends and neighbors from the rocky
wilds of New Hampshire to join, in holy communion--was followed on Monday
by cheerful thanksgiving and social intercourse, in which, as in every
feast, our old friend, New England rum, played no unimportant part. The
three days previous to the communion Sabbath were, however, solemnly
devoted to the worship of God; a Londonderry man was reproved and
prosecuted for spreading grain upon a Thursday preceding a communion
Sunday, just as he would have been for doing similar work upon the Sabbath.
The use of these "tokens" in the Londonderry church continued until the
year 1830.

In the coin collection of the American Antiquarian Society are little
pewter communion-checks, or tokens, stamped with a heart. These were used
in the Presbyterian church in Philadelphia, and were delivered to pious
church-members at the Friday evening prayer-meeting preceding the communion
Sabbath. Long tables were set in the aisles, as at Londonderry. In
practice, belief, and origin, the New Hampshire and Pennsylvania churches
were sisters.

The deacons had many minor duties to perform in the different parishes.
Some of these duties they shared with the tithingman. They visited the
homes of the church-members to hear the children say the catechism, they
visited and prayed with the sick, and they also reported petty offences,
though they were not accorded quite so powerful legal authority as the
tithingmen and constables.

It was much desired by several of the first-settled ministers that there
should be deaconesses in the New England Puritan church, and many good
reasons were given for making such appointments. It was believed that
for the special duty of visiting the sick and afflicted in the community
deaconesses would be more useful than deacons. There had been an aged
deaconess in the Puritan church in Holland, who with a "little birchen
rod" had kept the children in awe and order in meeting, and who had also
exercised "her guifts" in speaking; but when she died no New England
successor was appointed to fill her place.




XI.

The Psalm-Book of the Pilgrims.


We read in "The Courtship of Miles Standish," of the fair Priscilla, when
John Alden came to woo her for his friend, the warlike little captain, that

    "Open wide on her lap lay the well-worn psalm-book of Ainsworth,
    Printed in Amsterdam, the words and the music together; Rough-hewn,
    angular notes, like stones in the wall of a churchyard, Darkened and
    overhung by the running vine of the verses. Such was the book from
    whose pages she sang the old Puritan anthem."

One of these "well-worn psalm-books of Ainsworth" lies now before me,
perhaps the very one from which the lonely Priscilla sang as she sat
a-spinning.

There is something especially dear to the lover and dreamer of the olden
time, to the book-lover and antiquary as well, in an old, worn psalm or
hymn book. It speaks quite as eloquently as does an old Bible of loving
daily use, and adds the charm of interest in the quaint verse to reverence
for the sacred word. A world of tender fancies springs into life as I turn
over the pages of any old psalm-book "reading between the lines," and as
I decipher the faded script on the titlepage. But this "psalm-book of
Ainsworth," this book loved and used by the Pilgrims, brought over in one
of those early ships, perhaps in the "Mayflower" itself, this book so
symbolic of those early struggling days in New England, has a romance, a
charm, an interest which thrills every drop of Puritan blood in my veins.

It is pleasing, too, this "Ainsworth's Version," aside from any thought of
its historic associations; its square pages of diversified type are well
printed, and have a quaint unfamiliar look which is intensely attractive,
and to which the odd, irregular notes of music, the curiously ornamented
head and tail pieces, and the occasional Hebrew or Greek letters add their
undefinable charm.

It is a square quarto of three hundred and forty-eight closely printed
pages, bound in time-stained but well-preserved parchment, and even the
parchment itself is interesting, and lovely to the touch. The titlepage is
missing, but I know that this is the edition printed, as was Priscilla's,
in Amsterdam in 1612 (not "in England in 1600" as a note written in the
last blank page states). The full title was "The Book of Psalms. Englished
both in Prose and Metre. With annotations opening the words and sentences
by conference with other Scriptures. Eph. v: 18,19. Bee yee filled with
the Spirit speaking to yourselves in Psalms and Hymns and Spiritual-Songs
singing and making melodie in your hearts to the Lord." The book contains
besides the Psalms and Annotations, on its first pages, a "Preface
declaring the reason and use of the Book;" and at the last pages a "Table
directing to some principal things observed in the Annotations of the
Psalms," a list of "Hebrew phrases observed which are somewhat hard and
figurative," and also some "General Observations touching the Psalms."

I can well imagine what a pious delight this book was to our Pilgrim
Fathers; and what a still greater delight it was to our Pilgrim Mothers,
in that day and country of few books. They possessed in it, not only a
wonderful new metrical version of the Psalms for singing, but a prose
version for comparison as well; and the deeply learned and profoundly
worded annotations placed at the end of each Psalm were doubtless of
special interest to such "scripturists with all their hearts" as they were.

There were also, "for the use and edification of the saints," printed above
each psalm the airs of appropriate tunes. The "rough-hewn, angular notes"
are irregularly lozenge-shaped, like the notes or "pricks" in Queen
Elizabeth's "Virginal-Book," and are placed on the staff without bars.
Ainsworth, in his preface, says, "Tunes for the Psalms I find none set of
God: so that ech people is to use the most grave decent and comfortable
manner that they know how, according to the general rule. The singing notes
I have most taken from our Englished psalms when they will fit the mesure
of the verse: and for the other long verses I have also taken (for the most
part) the gravest and easiest tunes of the French and Dutch psalmes." Easy
the tunes certainly are, to the utmost degree of simplicity.

Great diversity too of type did the Pilgrims find in their Psalm-book:
Roman type, Italics, black-letter, all were used; the verse was printed in
Italics, the prose in Roman type, and the annotation in black-letter and
small Roman text with close-spaced lines. This variety though picturesque
makes the text rather difficult to read; for while one can decipher
black-letter readily enough when reading whole pages of it, when it is
interspersed with other type it makes the print somewhat confusing to the
unaccustomed eye.

One curious characteristic of the typography is the frequent use of the
hyphen, compound words or rather compound phrases being formed apparently
without English rule or reason. Such combinations as these are given as
instances: "highly-him-preferre," "renowned-name," "repose-me-quietlie,"
"in-mind-uplay," "turn-to-ashes," "my-alonely-soul," "beat-them-final,"
"pouring-out-them-hard," "inveyers-mak-streight," and
"condemn-thou-them-as-guilty,"--which certainly would make fit verses to
be sung to the accompaniment of Master Mace's
"excellent-large-plump-lusty-fullspeaking-organ."

Ainsworth's Version when read proves to be a scholarly book, exhibiting far
better grammar and punctuation and more uniformity of spelling than "The
New England Psalm-book," which at a later date displaced Ainsworth in the
affections and religious services of the New England Puritans and Pilgrims.
Both versions are somewhat confused in sense, and of uncouth and grotesque
versification; though the metre of Ainsworth is better than the rhyme. It
is all written in "common metre," nearly all in lines of eight and six
syllables alternately.

The name of the author of this version was Henry Ainsworth; he was the
greatest of all the Holland Separatists, a typical Elizabethan Puritan,
who left the church in which he was educated and attached himself to the
Separatists, or Brownists, as they were called. He went into exile in
Amsterdam in 1593, and worked for some time as a porter in a book-seller's
shop, living (as Roger Williams wrote) "upon ninepence in the weeke with
roots boyled." He established, with the Reverend Mr. Johnson, the new
church in Holland; and when it was divided by dissension, he became the
pastor of the "Ainsworthian Brownists" and so remained for twelve years.
He was a most accomplished scholar, and was called the "rabbi of his age."
Governor Bradford, in his "Dialogue," written in 1648, says of Ainsworth,
"He had not his better for the Hebrew tongue in the University nor scarce
in Europe." Hence, naturally, he was constantly engaged upon some work of
translating or commentating, and still so highly prized is some of his work
that it has been reprinted during this century. He also, being a skilful
disputant, wrote innumerable controversial pamphlets and books, many
of which still exist. It is said that he once had a long and spirited
controversy with a brother divine as to whether the ephod of Aaron were
blue or green. I fear we of to-day have lost much that the final, decisive
judgment from so learned scholars and students as to the correct color has
not descended to us, and now, if we wish to know, we shall have to fight it
all over again.

In spite of his power of argument (or perhaps on account of it) the most
prominent part which Ainsworth seemed to take in Amsterdam for many years
was that of peacemaker, as many of his contemporaries testify: for they
quarrelled fiercely among themselves in the exiled church, though they
had such sore need of unity and good fellowship; and they had many church
arguments and judgments and lawsuits. They quarrelled over the exercise of
power in the church; over the true meaning of the text Matthew xviii. 17;
whether the members of the congregation should be allowed to look on their
Bibles during the preaching or on their Psalm-books during the singing;
whether they should sing at all in their meetings; over the power of the
office of ruling elder (a fruitful source of dissension and disruption in
the New England congregations likewise) and above all, they quarrelled long
and bitterly over the unseemly and gay dress of the parson's wife, Madam
Johnson. These were the terrible accusations that were brought against that
bedizened Puritan: that she wore "her bodies tied to the petticote with
points as men do their doublets and hose; contrary to I Thess. v: 22,
conferred with Deut. xx: 11;" that she also wore "lawn coives," and
"busks," and "whalebones in the petticote bodies," and a "veluet hoode,"
and a "long white brest;" and that she "stood gazing bracing and vaunting
in the shop dores;" and that "men called her a bounceing girl" (as if
she could help that!). And one of her worst and most bitterly condemned
offences was that she wore "a topish hat." This her husband vehemently
denied; and long discussions and explanations followed on the hat's
topishness,--"Mr. Ainsworth dilating much upon a greeke worde" (as of
course so learned a man would). For the benefit of unlearned modern
children of the Puritans let me give the old Puritan's precise explanation
and classification of topishness. "Though veluet in its nature were not
topish, yet if common mariners should weare such it would be a sign of
pride and topishness in them. Also a gilded raper and a feather are not
topish in their nature, neither in a captain to weare them, and yet if a
minister should weare them they would be signs of great vanity topishness
and lightness." I wonder that topish hat had not undone the whole Puritan
church in Holland.

In settling all these and many other disputes, in translating,
commentating, and versifying, did Henry Ainsworth pass his days; until,
worn out by hard labor, and succumbing to long continued weakness, he died
in 1623. This romantic story of his death is told by Neal. "It was sudden
and not without suspicion of violence; for it is reported that, having
found a diamond of very great value in the streets of Amsterdam, he
advertised it in print; and when the owner, who was a Jew, came to demand
it, he offered him any acknowledgment he would desire, but Ainsworth though
poor would accept of nothing but conference with some of his rabbis upon
the prophecies of the Old Testament relating to the Messiah, which the
other promised, but not having interest enough to obtain it he was
poisoned." This rather ambiguous sentence means that Ainsworth was
poisoned, not the Jew. Brooks's account of the story is that the conference
took place, the Jews were vanquished, and in revenge poisoned the champion
of Christianity afterwards. Dexter most unromantically throws cold water on
this poisoning story, and adduces much circumstantial testimony to prove
its improbability; but it could hardly have been invented in cold blood by
the Puritan historians, and must have had some foundation in truth. And
since he is dead, and the thought cannot harm him, I may acknowledge that I
firmly believe and I like to believe that he died in so romantic a way.

The Puritans were psalm-singers ever; and in Holland the Brownist division
of the church came under strong influences from Geneva and Wittenberg, the
birth-places of psalm-singing, that made them doubly fond of "worship in
song." Hence the Pilgrim Fathers, Brewster, Bradford, Carver, and Standish,
for love of music as well as in affectionate testimony to their old pastor
and friend, brought to the New World copies of his version of the Psalms
and sang from it with delight and profit to themselves, if not with ease
and elegance.

Dexter says very mildly of Ainsworth's literary work that "there are
diversities of gifts, and it is no offence to his memory to conclude that
he shone more as an exegete than as a poet." Poesy is a gift of the gods
and cometh not from deep Hebrew study nor from vast learning, and we must
accept Ainsworth's pious enthusiasm in the place of poetic fervor. Of the
quality of his work, however, it is best to judge for one's self. Here is
his rendition of the Nineteenth Psalm, so well known to us in verse by
Addison's glorious "The spacious firmament on high." The prose version is
printed in one column and the verse by its side.

    1. To the Mayster of the Musik: A Psalm of David

    2. The heavens, doo tel the glory of God: and the out-spred firmament
    shevveth; the work of his hand.

    3. Day unto day uttereth speech: and night unto night manifesteth
    knowledge:

    4. No speech, and no words: not heard is their voice

    5. Through all the earth, gone-forth is their line: and unto the
    utmost-end of the world their speakings: he hath put a tent in them for
    the sun.

    6. And he; as a bridegroom, going-forth out of his privy-chamber:
    joyes as a mighty-man to run a race

    7. From the utmost end of the heavens is his egress; and his
    compassing-regress is unto the utmost-ends of them: and none _is_
    hidd, from his heat.

    2. The heav'ne, doo tel the glory of God and his firmament dooth
    preach.

    3. work of his hands. Day unto day dooth largely-utter speach and night
    unto night dooth knowledge shew

    4. No speach, and words are none.

    5. thier voice it-is not heard. Thier line through all the earth is
    gone: and to the worlds end, thier speakings: in them he did dispose,

    6. tent for the Sun. Who-bride-groom-like out of his chamber goes:
    joyes strong-man-like, to run a race

    7. From heav'ns end, his egress: and his regress to the end of them
    hidd from his heat, none is:

In order to show the proportion of annotation in the book, and to indicate
the mental traits of the author, let me state that this psalm, in both
prose and metrical versions, occupies about one page; while the closely
printed annotations fill over three pages; which is hardly "explaining with
brevitie," as Ainsworth says in his preface. With this psalm the notes
commence thus:--

"2. (the out-spred-firmament) the whole cope of heaven, with the aier which
though it be soft and liquid and spred over the Earth, yet it is fast and
firm and therefore called of us according to the common Greek version a
firmament: the holy Ghost expresseth it by another term Mid-heaven.
This out-spred-firmament of expansion God made amidds the waters for a
separation and named it Heaven, which of David is said to be stretched out
as courtayn and elsewhere is said to be as firm as moulten glass. So under
this name firmament be commised the orbs of the heav'ns and the aier and
the whole spacious country above the earth."

These annotations must have formed to the Pilgrims not only a dictionary
but a perfect encyclopædia of useful knowledge. Things spiritual and things
temporal were explained therein. Scientific, historic, and religious
information were dispensed impartially. Much and varied instruction was
given in Natural History, though viewed of course from a strictly religious
point of view. The little Pilgrims learned from their Psalm-Book that the
"Leviathan is the great whalefish or seadragon, so called of the fast
joyning together of his scales as he is described Job 40: 20, 41 and
is used to resemble great tyrants." They also learned that "Lions of
sundry-kinds have sundry-names. Tear-in-pieces like a lion. That he ravin
not, make-a-prey; called a plueker Renter or Tearer, and elsewhere Laby
that is, Harty and couragious; Kphir, this lurking, Couchant. The reason
of thier names is shewed, as The renting-lion as greedy to tear, and the
lurking-Lion as biding in covert places. Other names are also given to this
kind as Shachal, of ramping, of fierce nature; and Lajith of subduing his
prey. Psalm LVI Lions called here Lebain, harty, stowt couragious, Lions.
Lions are mentioned in the Scriptures for the stowtness of thier hart,
boldnes, and grimnes of thier countenance."

Here are other annotations taken at hap-hazard. The lines,

  "Al they that doo upon me look
    a scoff at me doe make
  they with the lip do make-a-mow
    the head they scornful-shake,"

Ainsworth thus explains: "Make-a-mow, making-an-opening with the lip
which may be taken both for mowing and thrusting out of the lip and for
licentious opening thereof to speak reproach." The expression "Keep thou me
as the black of the apple of the eye" is thus annotated: "The black, that
is, the sight in the midds of the eye wherein appeareth the resemblance of
a little man, and thereupon seemeth to be called in Hebrew Ishon which is a
man. And as that part is blackish so this word is also used for other black
things as the blackness of night. The apple so we call that which the
Hebrew here calleth bath and babath that is the babie or little image
appearing in the eye." Anger receives this definition: "ire, outward in
the face, grauue, grimnes or fiercenes of countenance. The original Aph
signifieth both the nose by which one breatheth, and Anger which appeareth
in the snuffing or breathing of the nose."

Before the Holland exiles had this version of Ainsworth's to sing from,
they used the book known as "Sternhold and Hopkins' Psalms." They gave it
up gladly to show honor to the work of their loved pastor, and perhaps also
with a sense of pleasure in not having to sing any verses which had been
used and authorized by the Church of England. In doing this they had to
abandon, however, such spirited lines as Sternhold's--

  "The earth did shake, for feare did quake
    the hills their bases shook.
  Removed they were, in place most fayre
    at God's right fearfull looks.

  "He rode on hye, and did soe flye
    Upon the cherubins
  He came in sight and made his flight
    Upon the winges of windes."

They sung instead,--

  "And th' earth did shake and quake and styrred bee
  grounds of the mount: & shook for wroth was hee
  Smoke mounted, in his wrath, fyre did eat
  out of his mouth: from it burned-with heat."

Alas, poor Priscilla! how could she sing with ease or reverence such
confused verses? The tune, too, set in the psalm-book seems absolutely
unfitted to the metre. I fear when she sang from the pages "the old Puritan
anthem" that she was forced to turn it into a chant, else the irregular
lines could never have been brought within the compass of the melody; and
yet, the metre is certainly better than the sense.

It may be thought that these selections of the Psalms have been chosen for
their crudeness and grotesqueness. I have tried in vain to find othersome
that would show more elegant finish or more of the spirit of poetry; the
most poetical lines I can discover are these, which are beautiful for the
reason that the noble thoughts of the Psalmist cannot be hidden, even by
the wording of the learned Puritan minister:--

    1. Jehovah feedeth me: I shall not lack

    2. In grassy fields, he downe dooth make me lye: he gently-leads mee,
    quiet-Waters by.

    3. He dooth return my soul: for his name-sake in paths of justice
    leads-me-quietly.

    4. Yea, though I walk in dale of deadly-shade ile fear none yll, for
    with me thou wilt be thy rod, thy staff eke, they shall comfort mee.

But few of these psalm-books of Ainsworth are now in existence; but few
indeed came to New England. Elder Brewster owned one, as is shown by
the inventory of the books in his library. Not every member of the
congregation, not every family possessed one; many were too poor, many
"lacked skill to read," and in some communities only one psalm-book was
owned in the entire church. Hence arose the odious custom of "deaconing" or
"lining" the psalm, by which each line was read separately by the deacon or
elder and then sung by the congregation. There is no doubt, however,
that this Ainsworth's Version was used in many of the early New England
meetings. Reverend Thomas Symmes, in his "Joco-Serious Dialogue," printed
in 1723, wrote: "Furthermore the Church of Plymouth made use of Ainsworths
Version of the Psalms until the year 1692. For altho' our New England
version of the Psalms was compiled by sundry hands and completed by
President Dunster about the year 1640; yet that church did not use it, it
seems, 'till two and fifty years after but stuck to Ainsworth; and until
about 1682 their excellent custom was to sing without reading the lines."

John Cotton's account of the Salem church written in 1760, says, "On June
19, 1692, the pastor propounded to the church that seeing many of the
psalms in Mr. Ainsworth's translation which had hitherto been sung in the
congregation had such difficult tunes that none in the church could set,
they would consider of some expedient that they might sing all the psalms.
After some time of consideration on August 7 following, the church voted
that when the tunes were difficult in the translation then used, they
would make use of the New England psalm-book, long before received in
the churches of the Massachusetts colony, not one brother opposing the
conclusion. But finding it inconvenient to use two psalm-books, they at
length, in June 1696 agreed wholly to lay aside Ainsworth and with general
consent introduced the other which is used to this day, 1760. And here it
will be proper to observe that it was their practice until the beginning of
October, 1681 to sing the psalms without reading the lines; but then, at
the motion of a brother who otherwise could not join in the ordinance [I
suppose because he could not read] they altered the custom, and reading
was introduced, the elder performing that service after the pastor had
first expounded the psalm, which were usually sung in course."

On the blank leaf of the copy of Ainsworth now lying before me are written
these words, "This was used in Salem half-a-century from the first
settlement." In a record of the Salem church is this entry of a church
meeting: "4 of 5th month, 1667. The pastor having formerly propounded
and given reason for the use of the Bay Psalm Book in regard to the
_difficulty of the tunes_ and that we could not sing them so well
as formerly and _that there was a singularity in our using Ainsworths
tunes_: but especially because we had not the liberty of singing all the
scripture Psalms according to Col. iii. 16. He did not again propound the
same, and after several brethren had spoken, there was at last a unanimous
consent with respect to the last reason mentioned, that the Bay Psalm Book
should be used together with Ainsworth to supply the defects of it."

It is significant enough of the "low state of the musik in the meetings"
when we find that the simple tunes written in Ainsworth's Version were too
difficult for the colonists to sing. To such a condition had church-music
been reduced by "lining the psalm" and by the lack of musical instruments
to guide and control the singers. It was not much better in old England;
for we find in the preface of Rous' Psalms (which were published in
1643 and authorized to be used in the English Church) references to the
"difficulty of Ainsworth's tunes."

Hood says, "There is almost a certainty that no other version than
Ainsworth was ever used in the colonies until the New England Version was
published. But if any one was used in one or two of the churches it was
Sternhold and Hopkins." I cannot feel convinced of this, but believe that
both Ravenscroft's and Sternhold and Hopkins' Versions were used at first
in many of the Bay settlements. Salem church had a peculiar connection in
its origin with the church of Plymouth, which would account, doubtless,
for its protracted use of the version so loved by the Pilgrims; but the
Puritans of the Bay, coming directly from England, must have brought with
them the version which they had used in England, that of Sternhold and
Hopkins; and they would hardly have wished, nor would it have been possible
for them to acquire speedily in the new land the Ainsworth's Version used
by the Pilgrims from Holland.

The second edition of Ainsworth's Version was printed in 1617, a third
in 1618; the fourth, in London in 1639, was a folio; and the sixth, in
Amsterdam in 1644, was an octavo. A little 24mo copy is in the Essex
Institute in Salem, and an octavo is in the Prince Library, now in the
custody of the Public Library of the City of Boston. The latter copy has
a note in it written by the Rev. Thomas Prince: "Plymouth, May 1, 1732. I
have seen an edition of this version of 1618; and this version was sung
in Plymouth Colony and I suppose in the rest of New England 'till the New
England Version was printed."

There is a copy of the first edition of Ainsworth in the Bodleian Library
and one in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. The American Antiquarian
Society and the Lenox Library are the only public libraries in America that
possess copies, so far as I know. The one in the library of the American
Antiquarian Society was presented to it in 1815 by the Rev. William Bentley
of Salem, Massachusetts, to whom also belonged the copy of the Bay Psalm
Book now in the library at Worcester. He was a divine and a bibliophile and
an antiquary, but there also ran in his veins blood of warmer flow. During
the war of 1812, when the report came, in meeting-time, that the frigate
"Constitution" was being chased into Marblehead harbor, the loyal parson
Bentley locked up his church, and tucked up his gown, and sallied forth
with his whole flock of parishioners to march to Marblehead with the
soldiers, ready to "fight unto death" if necessary. Being short and fat,
and the mercury standing at eighty-five degrees, the doctor's physical
strength gave out, and he had to be hoisted up astride a cannon to ride to
the scene of conflict,--martial in spirit though weak in the legs.

But this association with the old book is comparatively of our own day; and
the most pleasing fancy which the "psalm-book of Ainsworth" brings to my
mind, the most sacred and reverenced thought, is of a far more remote, a
more peaceful and quiet scene; though men of warlike blood and fighting
stock were there present and took part therein. It is with that Sabbath Day
before the Landing at Plymouth which was spent by the Pilgrims, as Mather
says, "in the devout and pious exercises of a sacred rest." And though
Matthew Arnold thought that the Mayflower voyagers would have been
intolerable company for Shakespeare and Virgil, yet in that quiet day of
devout prayer and praise they show a calm religious peace and trust that
is, perhaps, the highest spiritual type of "sweetness and light." And from
this quaint old book their lips found words and music to express in song
their pure and holy faith.




XII.

The Bay Psalm-Book.



It seems most proper that the first book printed in New England should be
now its rarest one, and such is the case. It was also meet that the first
book published by the Puritan theocracy should be a psalm-book. This New
England psalm-book, being printed by the colony at Massachusetts Bay, is
familiarly known as "The Bay Psalm-Book," and was published two hundred
and fifty years ago with this wording on the titlepage: "The Whole Book of
Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English Metre. Whereunto is prefixed a
discourse declaring not only the lawfullnes, but also the necessity of the
Heavenly Ordinance of Singing Psalmes in the Churches of God.

"Coll. III. Let the word of God dwell plenteously in you in all wisdome,
teaching, and exhorting one another in Psalmes, Himnes, and spirituall
Songs, singing to the Lord with grace in your hearts.

"James V. If any be afflicted, let him pray; and if any be merry let him
sing psalmes. Imprinted 1640."

The words "For the Use, Edification, and Comfort of the Saints in Publick
and Private especially in New England," though given in Thomas's "History
of Printing," Lowndes's "Bibliographers Manual," Hood's "History of Music
in New England," and many reliable books of reference, as part of the
correct title, were in fact not printed upon the titlepage of this first
edition, but appeared on subsequent ones. Mr. Thomas, at the time he wrote
his history, knew of but one copy of the first edition; "an entire copy
except the title-page is now in the possession of rev. mr. Bentley of
Salem." The titlepage being missing, he probably fell into the error of
copying the title of a later edition, and other cataloguers and manualists
have blindly followed him.

There were in 1638 thirty ministers in New England, all men of intelligence
and education; and to three of them, Richard Mather, Thomas Welde, and John
Eliot was entrusted the literary part of the pious work. They managed to
produce one of the greatest literary curiosities in existence. The book
was printed in the house of President Dunster of Harvard College upon a
"printery," or printing-press, which had cost £50, and was the gift of
friends in Holland to the new community in 1638, the name-year of Harvard
College. Governor Winthrop in his journal tells us that the first sheet
printed on this press was the Freeman's Oath, certainly a characteristic
production; the second an almanac for New England, and the third, "The Bay
Psalm-Book." Some, who deem an almanac a book, call this psalm-book the
second book printed in British America.

A printer named Steeven Daye was brought over from England to do the
printing on this new press. Now Steeven must have been given entire charge
of the matter, and could not have been a very literate fellow (as we
know positively he was a most reprehensible one), or the three reverend
versifiers must have been most uncommonly careless proof-readers, for
certainly a worse piece of printer's work than "The Bay Psalm Book" could
hardly have been struck off. Diversity and grotesqueness of spelling were
of course to be expected, and paper might have been coarse without reproof,
in that new and poor country; but the type was good and clear, the paper
strong and firm, and with ordinary care a very presentable book might have
been issued. The punctuation was horrible. A few commas and periods and
a larger number of colons were "pepered and salted" _à la_ Timothy
Dexter, apparently quite by chance, among the words. Periods were placed
in the middle of sentences; words of one syllable were divided by hyphens;
capitals and italics were used after the fashion of the time, apparently
quite at random; and inverted letters were common enough. The pages were
unnumbered, and on every left-hand page the word "Psalm" in the title was
spelled correctly, while on the right-hand page it is uniformly spelled
"Psalme." But after all, these typographical blemishes might be forgiven if
the substance, the psalms themselves, were worthy; but the versification
was certainly the most villainous of all the many defects, though the
sense was so confused that many portions were unintelligible save with
the friendly aid of the prose version of the Bible; and the grammatical
construction, especially in the use of pronouns, was also far from correct.
Such amazing verses as these may be found:--

  "And sayd He would not them waste: had not
  Moses stood (whom He chose)
  'fore him i' th' breach; to turne his wrath
  lest that he should waste those."

Cotton Mather, in his "Magnalia," gives thus the full story of the
production of "The Bay Psalm-book":--

    "About the year 1639, the New-English reformers, considering that their
    churches enjoyed the other ordinances of Heaven in their scriptural
    purity were willing that the 'The singing of Psalms' should be restored
    among them unto a share of that _purity_. Though they blessed God
    for the religious endeavours of them who translated the Psalms into the
    _meetre _usually annexed at the end of the Bible, yet they beheld
    in the translation so many _detractions _from, _additions
    _to, and _variations _of, not only the text, but the very
    _sense _of the psalmist, that it was an offense unto them.
    Resolving then upon a new translation, the chief divines in the country
    took each of them a portion to be translated; among whom were Mr. Welds
    and Mr. Eliot of Eoxbury, and Mr. Mather of Dorchester. These like the
    rest were so very different a _genius_ for their poetry that Mr.
    Shephard, of Cambridge, on the occasion addressed them to this purpose:

      You Roxb'ry poets keep clear of the crime
      Of missing to give us very good rhime.
      And you of Dorchester, your verses lengthen
      And with the text's own words, you will them strengthen.

    The Psalms thus turned into _meetre_ were printed at Cambridge, in
    the year 1640. But afterwards it was thought that a little more of art
    was to be employed upon them; and for that cause they were committed
    unto Mr. Dunster, who revised and refined this translation; and (with
    some assistance from Mr. Richard Lyon who being sent over by Sir Henry
    Mildmay as an attendant unto his, son, then a student at Harvard
    College, now resided in Mr. Dunster's house:) he brought it
    the condition wherein our churches have since used it. Now though
    I heartily join with those gentlemen who wish that the _poetry_
    thereof were mended, yet I must confess, that the Psalms have never
    yet seen a _translation_ that I know of nearer to the Hebrew
    original; and I am willing to receive the excuse which our translators
    themselves do offer us when they say: 'If the verses are not always so
    elegant as some desire or expect, let them consider that God's
    altar needs not our pollishings; we have respected rather a plain
    translation, than to smooth our verses with the sweetness of any
    paraphrase. We have attended conscience rather than elegance, fidelity
    rather than ingenuity, that so we may sing in Zion the Lord's songs of
    praise, according unto his own will, until he bid us enter into our
    Master's joy to sing eternal hallelujahs.'"

I have never liked Cotton Mather so well as after reading this calm
and kindly account of the production of "The Bay-Psalm-Book." He was a
scholarly man, and doubtless felt keenly and groaned inwardly at the
inelegance, the appalling and unscholarly errors in the New England
version; and yet all he mildly said was that "it was thought that a little
more of art was to be employed upon them," and that he "wishes the poetry
hereof was mended." Such justice, such self-repression, such fairness
make me almost forgive him for riding around the scaffold on which his
fellow-clergyman was being executed for witchcraft, and urging the crowd
not to listen to the poor martyr's dying words. I can even almost overlook
the mysterious fables, the outrageous yarns which he imposed upon us under
the guise of history.

The three reverend versifiers who turned out such questionable poetry are
known to have been writers of clear, scholarly, and vigorous prose. They
were all graduated at Emanuel College, Cambridge, the nursery of Puritans.
Mr. Welde soon returned to England and published there two intelligent
tracts vindicating the purity of the New England worship. Richard Mather
was the general prose-scribe for the community; he drafted the "Cambridge
Platform" and other important papers, and was clear and scholarly enough
in all his work _except_ the "Bay Psalm-Book." From his pen came the
tedious, prolix preface to the work; and the first draft of it in his own
handwriting is preserved in the Prince Library. The other co-worker was
John Eliot, that glory of New England Puritanism, the apostle to the
Indians. His name heads my list of the saints of the Puritan calendar; but
I confess that when I consider his work in "The Bay Psalm-Book," I have
sad misgivings lest the hymns which he wrote and published in the Indian
language may not have proved to the poor Massachusetts Indians all that our
loving and venerating fancy has painted them. It is said also that Francis
Quarles, the Puritan author of "Divine Emblems," sent across the Atlantic
some of his metrical versions of the psalms as a pious contribution to the
new version of the new church in the new land.

The "little more of art" which was bestowed by the improving President
Dunster left the psalms still improvable, as may be seen by opening at
random at any page of the revised editions. Mr. Lyon conferred also upon
the New England church the inestimable boon of a number of hymns or
"Scripture-Songs placed in order as in the Bible." They were printed in
that order from the third until at least the sixteenth edition, but in
subsequent editions the hymns were all placed at the end of the book after
the psalms. I doubt not that the Puritan youth, debarred of merry catches
and roundelays, found keen delight in these rather astonishing renditions
of the songs of Solomon, portions of Isaiah, etc. Those Scripture-Songs
should be read quite through to be fully appreciated, as no modern
Christian could be full enough of grace to sing them. Here is a portion of
the song of Deborah and Barak:--

  24. Jael the Kenite Hebers wife
  'bove women blest shall be:
  Above the women in the tent
  a blessed one is she.
  25. He water ask'd: she gave him milk
  him butter forth she fetch'd
  26. In lordly dish: then to the nail
  she forth her left hand stretched.

  Her right the workman's hammer held
  and Sisera struck dead:
  She pierced and struck his temple through
  and then smote off his head.
  27. He at her feet bow'd, fell, lay down
  he at her feet bow'd, where
  He fell: ev'n where he bowed down
  he fell destroyed there.

  28. Out of a window Sisera
  his mother looked and said
  The lattess through in coming why
  so long his chariot staid?
  His chariot wheels why tarry they?
  29.   her wise dames, answered
  Yea she turned answer to herself
  30.   and what have they not sped?

  31. The prey by poll; a maid or twain
  what parted have not they?
  Have they not parted, Sisera,
  a party-colour'd prey
  A party-colour'd neildwork prey
  of neildwork on each side
  That's party-colour'd meet for necks
  of them that spoils divide?

Our Pilgrim Fathers accepted these absurd, tautological verses gladly, and
sang them gratefully; but we know the spirit of poesy could never have
existed in them, else they would have fought hard against abandoning such
majestic psalms as Sternhold's--

  "The Lord descended from above
    and bow'd the heavens hye
  And underneath his feete he cast
    the darkness of the skye.

  "On cherubs and on cherubines
    full royally he road
  And on the winges of all the windes
    came flying all abroad."

They gave up these lines of simple grandeur, to which they were accustomed,
for such wretched verses as these of the New England version:--

  9.  Likewise the heavens he downe-bow'd and he descended, & there was
      under his feet a gloomy cloud
  10. And he on cherub rode and flew; yea, he flew on the wings of winde.
  11. His secret place hee darkness made his covert that him round confide.

I cannot understand why they did not sing the psalms of David just as
they were printed in the English Bible; it would certainly be quite as
practicable as to sing this latter selection.

President Dunster's improving hand and brain evolved this rendition:--

  "Likewise the heavens he down-bow'd
    and he descended: also there
  Was at his feet a gloomy cloud
    and he on cherubs rode apace.
  Yea on the wings of wind he flew
    he darkness made his secret place
  His covert round about him drew."

Though the grotesque wording and droll errors of these old psalm-books can,
after the lapse of centuries, be pointed out and must be smiled at, there
is after all something so pathetic in the thought of those good, scholarly
old New England saints, hampered by poverty, in dread of attack of Indians,
burdened with hard work, harassed by "eighty-two pestilent heresies," still
laboring faithfully and diligently in their strange new home at their
unsuited work,--something so pathetic, so grand, so truly Christian, that
when I point out any of the absurdities or failures in their work, I dread
lest the shades of Cotton, of Sewall, of Mather, of Eliot, brand me as of
old, "in capitall letters," as "AN OPEN AND OBSTINATE CONTEMNER OF GOD'S
HOLY ORDINANCES," or worse still, with that mysterious, that dread name, "A
WANTON GOSPELLER."

The second edition of the "New England Psalm-Book" was published in 1647;
the one copy known to exist has sold for four hundred and thirty-five
dollars. The third edition was the one revised by President Dunster and
Mr. Lyon, and was printed in 1650. In 1691 the unfortunate book was again
"pollished" by a committee of ministers, who thus altered the last two
stanzas of the Song of Deborah and Barak:--

  28. Out of a window Sisera
        His mother look'd and said
      The lattess through in coming why
        So long's chariot staid?
      His chariot-wheels why tarry they?
        Her ladies wise reply'd
  29. Yea to herself the answer made,
  30.     Have they not speed? she cry'd.

  31. The prey to each a maid or twain
        Divided have not they?
      To Sisera have they not shar'd
        A divers-colour'd prey?
      Of divers-colour'd needle-work
        Wrought curious on each side
      Of various colours meet for necks
        Of those who spoils divide?

Rev. Elias Nason wittily says of "The Bay Psalm-Book," "Welde, Eliot, and
Mather mounted the restive steed Pegasus, Hebrew psalter in hand, and
trotted in warm haste over the rough roads of Shemitic roots and metrical
psalmody. Other divines rode behind, and after cutting and slashing,
mending and patching, twisting and turning, finally produced what must ever
remain the most unique specimen of poetical tinkering in our literature."

Other editions quickly followed these "pollishings" until, in 1709, sixteen
had been printed. Mr. Hood stated that at least seventy editions in all
were brought out. Some of these were printed in England and Scotland, in
exceedingly fine and illegible print, and were intended to be bound up with
the Bible; and occasionally duodecimo Bibles were sent from Scotland to
New England with "The Bay Psalm-Book" bound at the back part of the book.
Strange as it may seem, the poor, halting New England version was used in
some of the English dissenting congregations and Scotch kirks, instead of
the smoother verses composed in England for the English churches.

The Reverend Thomas Prince, after two years of careful work thereon,
published in 1758 a revised edition of the much-published book, and it was
adopted by his church, the Old South, of Boston, the week previous to his
death. It was used by his congregation until 1786. He clung closely to the
form of the old editions, changing only an occasional word. In his preface
Dr. Prince says that "The Bay Psalm-Book" "had the honor of being the
first book printed in North America, and as far as I can find, in this
New World." We have fuller means of information now-a-days than had the
reverend reviser, and we know that as early as 1535 a book called "The
Book of St. John Climacus or The Spiritual Ladder" had been printed in the
Spanish tongue, in Mexico; and no less than one hundred and sixteen other
Spanish works in the sixteenth century, as the "Bibliografia Mexicana"
testifies.

If the printing of all these various editions was poor, and the diction
worse, the binding certainly was good and could be copied in modern times
to much advantage. No flimsy cloth or pasteboard covers, no weak paper
backs, no ill-pasted leaves, no sham-work of any kind was given; securely
sewed, firmly glued, with covers of good strong leather, parchment, kid, or
calfskin, these psalm-books endured constant _daily_ (not weekly) use
for years, for decades, for a century, and are still whole and firm.
They were carried about in pockets, in saddle-bags, and were opened, and
handled, and conned, as often as were the Puritan Bibles, and they bore the
usage well. They were distinctively characteristic of the unornamental,
sternly pious, eminently honest, and sturdily useful race that produced
them.

Judge Sewall makes frequent mention in his famous diary of "the New Psalm
Book." He bought one "bound neatly in Kids Leather" for "3 shillings &
sixpence" and gave it to a widow whom he was wooing. Rather a serious
lover's gift, but characteristic of the giver, and not so gloomy as
"Dr. Mathers Vials of Wrath," "Dr. Sibbs Bowels," "Dr. Preston's Church
Carriage," and "Dr. Williard's Fountains opened," all of which he likewise
presented to her.

The Judge frequently gave a copy as a bridal gift, after singing from it
"Myrrh aloes," to the gloomy tune of Windsor, at the wedding.

  8. Myrrh Aloes and Cussias _smell_
       all of thy garments _had_
     Out of the yvory pallaces
       whereby they made thee glad:

  9. Amongst thine honourable maids
       kings daughters present were
     The Queen is set at thy right hand
       in fine gold of Ophir.

But his most frequent mention of the "new psalm-book" is in his "Humbell
acknowledgement" made to God of the "great comfort and merciful kindness
received through singing of His Psalmes;" and the pages of the diary bear
ample testimony that whatever the book may appear to us now, it was to the
early colonists the very Word of God.

As years passed on, however, and singing-schools multiplied, it became much
desired, and even imperative that there should be a better style and manner
of singing, and open dissatisfaction arose with "The Bay Psalm-Book;" the
younger members of the congregations wished to adopt the new and smoother
versions of Tate and Brady, and of Watts. Petitions were frequently made in
the churches to abolish the century-used book. Here is an opening sentence
of one church-letter which is still in existence; it was presented to the
ministers and elders of the Roxbury church September 11th, 1737, and was
signed by many of the church members:--

"The New England Version of Psalms however useful it may formerly have
been, has now become through the natural variableness of Language, not only
very uncouth but in many Places unintelligible; whereby the mind instead
of being Raised and spirited in Singing The Praises of Almighty God and
thereby being prepared to Attend to other Parts of Divine Service is Damped
and made Spiritless in the Performance of the Duty at least such is the
Tendency of the use of that Version," etc., etc.

Great controversy arose over the abolition of the accustomed book, and
church-quarrels were rife; but the end of the century saw the dearly loved
old version consigned to desuetude, uever again to be opened, alas! but by
critical or inquisitive readers.

There is owned by the American Antiquarian Society, and kept carefully
locked in the iron safe in the building of that Society in Worcester, a
copy of the first edition of "The Bay Psalm Book." It is a quarto (not
octavo, as Thomas described it in his "History of Printing") and is in very
good condition, save that the titlepage is missing. It is in the original
light-colored, time-stained parchment binding, and contains the autograph
of Stephen Sewall. It also bears on the inside of the front cover the
book-plate of Isaiah Thomas, and at the back, in the veteran printer's
clear and beautiful handwriting, this statement: "After advertising for
another copy of this book and making enquiry in many places in New England
&c. I was not able to obtain or even hear of another. This copy is
therefore invaluable and must be preserved with the greatest care. Isaiah
Thomas, Sep. 20. 1820." His "History of Printing," was published in 1810,
and the Society had acquired through the gift of "the rev. mr. Bentley" the
copy which Thomas mentioned in his book.

It is strange that Thomas should have been ignorant of the existence of
other copies of the first edition of "The Bay Psalm-Book," for there were
at that time six copies belonging to the Prince Library in the possession
of the Old South Church of Boston. One would fancy that the Prince Library
would have been one of his first objective points of search, save that a
dense cloud of indifference had overshadowed that collection for so long
a time. Five of those copies remained in the custody of the deacons and
pastor of the Old South Church until 1860, and they were at one time all
deposited in the Public Library of the City of Boston. Two still remain in
that suitable place of deposit; they are almost complete in paging, but are
in modern bindings. The other three copies were surrendered by Lieut-Gov.
Samuel Armstrong (who, as one of the deacons of the Old South Church,
had joint custody of the Prince Library), severally, to Mr. Edward
Crowninshield of Boston, Dr. Nathaniel B. Shurtleff of Boston, and Mr.
George Livermore of Cambridge. Governor Armstrong surrendered these three
books in consideration of certain modern books being given to the Prince
Library, and of the modern bindings bestowed on the two other copies; which
seems to us hardly a brilliant or judicious exchange.

In Dr. Shurtleff "The Bay Psalm-Book" found a congenial and loving owner;
and under his careful superintendence an exact reprint was published in
1862 in the Riverside Press at Cambridge. He wrote for it a preface. It was
published by subscription; one copy on India paper, fifteen on thick paper,
and fifty on common paper. Copies on the last named paper have sold readily
for thirty dollars each. All the typographical errors of the original were
carefully reproduced in this reprint.

At Dr. Shurtleffs death, his "Bay Psalm-Book" was catalogued with the rest
of his library, which was to be sold on Dec. 2, 1875; but an injunction was
obtained by the deacons of the Old South Church, to prevent the sale of the
old psalm-book. They were rather late in the day however, to try to obtain
again the too easily parted with book, and the ownership of it was adjudged
to the estate. The book was sold Oct. 12, 1876, at the Library salesroom,
Beacon Street, Boston, for one thousand and fifty dollars. It is now in the
library of Mrs. John Carter Brown, of Providence, Rhode Island. Special
interest attaches to this copy, because it was "Richard Mather, His Book"
as several autographs in it testify; and the author's own copy is always of
extra value. Cotton Mather, a grandson of Richard, was the close friend of
the Reverend Thomas Prince, who founded the Prince Library, and who left it
by will to the Old South Church in 1758. Mr. Prince's book-plate is on the
reverse of the titlepage of this copy of "The Bay Psalm-Book," and is in
itself a rarity. It reads thus:--

     "This Book belongs to
      The New England Library
  Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince
  upon his ent'ring Harvard-College July 6
  1703, and was given by said Prince, to
      remain therein forever."

There was a sixth copy of "The Bay Psalm-Book" in the Prince Library in
1830 when Dr. Wisner wrote his four sermons on the Old South Church of
Boston,--a copy annotated by Dr. Prince and used by him while he was
engaged on his revision. It has disappeared, together with many other
important books and manuscripts belonging to the same library. The
vicissitudes through which this most valuable collection has passed--lying
neglected for years on shelves, in boxes, and in barrels in the
steeple-room of the Old South Church, depleted to use for lighting fires,
injured by British soldiery, but injured still more by the neglect and
indifference of its custodians--are too painful to contemplate or relate.
They contribute to the scholarly standing and honor of neither pastors nor
congregations during those years. It is enough to state, however, that it
is to the noble and ill-requited forethought of Dr. Prince that we owe all
but three of the copies of the Bay Psalm-Book which are now known to be in
existence.

There is also a perfect copy of the first edition of the old book in the
Lenox Library in New York, and the manner in which it was acquired (and
also some further accounts of two of our old friends of the Prince Library,
the acquisitions of Messrs. Crowninshield and Liverraore) is told so
entertainingly by Henry Stevens, of Vermont, in his charming book,
"Recollections of Mr. James Lenox" that it is best to quote his account in
full:--

    "For nearly ten years Mr. Lenox had entertained a longing de
    to possess a perfect copy of 'The Bay Psalm Book.' He gave me to
    understand that if an opportunity occurred of securing a copy for him I
    might go as far as one hundred guineas. Accordingly from 1847 till his
    death, six years later, my good friend William Pickering and I put our
    heads and book-hunting forces together to run down this rarity. The
    only copy we knew of on this side the Atlantic was a spotless one in
    the Bodleian Library, which had lain there unrecognized for ages, and
    even in the printed catalogue of 1843 its title was recorded without
    distinction among the common herd of Psalms in verse. I had handled it
    several times with great reverence, and noted its many peculiar points,
    but, as agreed with Mr. Pickering, without making any sign or imparting
    any information to our good and obliging friend Dr. Bandinel, Bodley's
    Librarian. We thought that when we had secured a copy for oursel
    it would be time enough to acquaint the learned Doctor that he was
    entertaining unawares this angel of the New World.

    "Under these circumstances, therefore, only an experienced collector
    can judge of my surprise and inward satisfaction, when on the 12
    January, 1855, at Sotheby's, at one of the sales of Pickering's stock,
    after untying parcel after parcel to see what I might chance to see,
    and keeping ahead of the auctioneer, Mr. Wilkinson, on resolving to
    prospect in one parcel more before he overtook me, my eye rested
    an instant only on the long-lost Benjamin, clean and unspotted. I
    instantly closed the parcel (which was described in the Catalogue as
    Lot '531 Psalmes, other editions, 1630 to 1675 black letter, a parcel')
    and tightened the string just as Alfred came to lay it on the table. A
    cool-blooded coolness seized me, and advancing to the table behind Mr.
    Lilly I quietly bid, in a perfectly natural tone, 'Sixpence,' and so
    the bids went on increasing by sixpence until half a crown was reached,
    and Mr. Lilly had loosened the string. Taking up this very volume he
    turned to me and remarked that 'This looks a rare edition, Mr. Stevens,
    don't you think so? I do not remember having seen it before,' and
    raised the bid to five shillings. I replied that I had little doubt of
    its rarity though comparatively a late edition of the Psalms,
    at the same time gave Mr. Wilkinson a six-penny nod. Thenceforth a
    'spirited competition' arose between Mr. Lilly and myself, until
    finally the lot was knocked down to 'Stevens' for nineteen shillings. I
    then called out with perhaps more energy than discretion, 'Delivered!'
    On pocketing this volume, leaving the other seven to take the usual
    course, Mr. Lilly and others inquired with some curiosity, 'What rarity
    have you got now?' 'Oh, nothing,' said I, 'but the first English book
    printed in America.' There was a pause in the sale, while all had a
    good look at the little stranger. Some said jocularly, 'There has
    evidently been a mistake; put up the lot again.' Mr. Stevens, with the
    book again safely in his pocket, said, 'Nay, if Mr. Pickering, whose
    cost mark of [3s] did not recognize the prize he had won, certainly the
    cataloguer might be excused for throwing it away into the hands of the
    right person to rescue, appreciate, and preserve it. I am now fully
    rewarded for my long and silent hunt of seven years.'

    "On reaching Morley's I eagerly collated the volume, and at first found
    it right witli all the _usual_ signatures correct. The leaves were
    not paged or folioed. But on further collation I missed sundry of the
    Psalms, enough to fill four leaves. The puzzle was finally solved when
    it was discovered that the inexperienced printer had marked the sheet
    with the signature w after v, which is very unusual.

    "This was a very disheartening disappointment, but I held my tongue,
    and knowing that my old friend and correspondent, George Liverm
    of Cambridge, N. E., possessed an imperfect copy, which he and Mr.
    Crowninshield, after the noble example of the 'Lincoln Nosegay,' had
    won from the Committee of the 'Old South' together with another and
    perfect copy, I proposed an advantageous exchange and obtained
    four missing leaves. Mr. Crowninshield strongly advised Mr. Livermore
    against parting with his four leaves, because, as he said, 'They would
    enable Stevens to complete his copy and to place it in the library of
    Mr. Lenox, who would then crow over us because he also had a perfect
    copy of "The Bay-Psalm Book."'

    "Having thus completed my copy and had it bound by Francis Bedford in
    his best style, I sent it to Mr. Lenox for £80. Five years later I
    bought the Crowninshield Library in Boston for $10,000, mainly to
    obtain his perfect copy of 'The Bay Psalm Book,' and brought the whole
    library to London. This second copy, after being held several months,
    was at the suggestion of Mr. Thomas Watts, offered to the British
    Museum for £150. The Keeper of the Printed Books, however, never had
    the courage to send it before the Trustees for approval and payment; so
    after waiting five or six years longer the volume was withdrawn, bound
    by Bedford, taken to America in 1868, and sold to Mr. George Brinley
    for 150 guineas. At the Brinley sale, in March, 1878, it was bought by
    Mr. Cornelius Vanderbilt for $1200, or more than three times the cost
    of my first copy to Mr. Lenox."

We hear the expression of a book being "worth its weight in gold." "The Bay
Psalm-Book," in the Library of the American Antiquarian Society, weighs
nine ounces, hence Mr. Vanderbilt paid at least seven times its weight in
gold for his precious book. Lowndes's "Bibliographers' Manual" says, "This
volume, which is extremely rare and would at an auction in America produce
from four to six thousand dollars, is familiarly termed 'The Bay Psalm
Book.'" This must have been intended to be printed four to six hundred
dollars, and is about as correct as the remainder of the description in
that manual.

The copy which is spoken of by Mr. Stevens as being in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford was once the property of Bishop Tanner, the famous antiquary.
Thus it is seen that there are seven copies at least of the first edition
of "The Bay Psalm-Book" now in existence in America, instead of "five or
at the most six," as a recent writer in "The Magazine of American History"
states.

And of all the manifold later editions of the New England Psalm-Book
comparatively few copies now remain. Occasionally one is discovered in an
old church library or seen in the collection of an antiquary. It is usually
found to bear on its titlepage the name of its early owner, and often,
also, in a different handwriting, the simple record and date of his death.
Tender little memorial postils are frequently written on the margins of
the pages: "Sung this the day Betty was baptized"--"This Psalm was sung at
Mothers Funeral" "Gods Grace help me to heed this word." Sometimes we see
on the blank pages, in a fine, cramped handwriting, the record of the
births and deaths of an entire family. More frequently still we find the
familiar and hackneyed verses of ancient titlepage lore, such as are
usually seen on the blank leaves of old Bibles. This script was written in
a "Bay Psalm-Book" of the sixteenth edition, and with the characteristic
indifference of our New England forefathers for tiresome repetition, or
possibly with their disdain of novelty, was seen on each and every blank
page of the book:--

  "Israel Balch, His Book,
  God give him Grace theirin to look
  And when the Bell for him doth toal
  May God have mearcy on his Sole."

What the diction lacked in variety is quite made up, however, in the
spelling, which was painstakingly different on each page.

Another Psalm-Book bore, inscribed in an elegant, minute handwriting, these
lines, which were probably intended for verse, since the first word of each
line commenced with a capital letter:--

  "Abednego Prime His Book
  When he withein these pages looks
  May he find Grace to sing therein
  Seventeen hundred and forty-seven."

This is certainly pretty bad poetry,--bad enough to be worthy a place in
"The Bay Psalm Book,"--but is also a most noble, laudable, and necessary
aspiration; for power of Grace was plainly needed to enable Abednego or any
one else to sing from those pages; and our pious New England forefathers
must have been under special covenant of grace when they persevered against
such obstacles and under such overwhelming disadvantages in having singing
in their meetings.

Another copy of the old New England Psalm-Book was thus inscribed:--

      "Elam Noyes His Book
  You children of the name of Noyes
  Make Jesus Christ your only choyse."

The early members of the Noyes family all seemed to be exceedingly and
properly proud of this rhyming couplet; it formed a sort of patent of
nobility. They wrote the pious injunction to their descendants in their
Psalm-Books and their Bibles, in their wills, their letters; and they,
with the greatest unanimity of feeling, had it cut upon their several
tombstones. It was their own family motto,--their totem, so to speak.

In a New England Psalm-Book in the possession of the American Antiquarian
Society there is written in the distinct handwriting of Isaiah Thomas these
explanatory words:--

"This was the Pocket Psalm-book of John Symmons who died at Salem at
100 years. He was born at North Salem went a-fishing in his youth was a
prisoner with the Indians in Nova Scotia afterwards followed his labours in
a Shipyard and till great old age laboured upon his lands and died
without pain Aet 100. 31 October, 1791. He was a worthy conscientious and
well-informed man and agreeable until the last hour of his life."

I can think of no pleasanter tribute to be given to the character of any
one than the simple words, "He was agreeable until the last hour of his
life." What share in the production and maintenance of that amiable and
enviable condition of disposition may be attributed to the ever-present
influence of the Pocket Psalm-Book cannot be known; but the constant
study of the holy though clumsy verses may have largely caused that sweet
agreeability which so characterized John Symmons.

There lies now before me a copy of one of the early editions of "The Bay
Psalm-Book." As I open the little dingy octavo volume, with its worn
and torn edges, I am conscious of that distinctive, penetrating,
_old-booky_ smell,--that ancient, that fairly _obsolete_ odor that
never is exhaled save from some old, infrequently opened, leather-bound
volume, which has once in years far past been much used and handled. A book
which has never been familiarly used and loved cannot have quite the same
antique perfume. The mouldering, rusty, flaky leather comes off in a
yellow-brown powder on my fingers as I take up the book; and the cover
nearly breaks off as I open it, though with tender, book-loving usage. The
leather, though strong and honest, has rotted or disintegrated until it has
almost fallen into dust. Across the yellow, ill-printed pages there runs,
zig-zagging sideways and backwards crab-fashion on his crooked brown legs,
one of those pigmy book-spiders,--those ugly little bibliophiles that seem
flatter even than the close-pressed pages that form their home.

Fair Puritan hands once held this dingy little book, honest Puritan eyes
studied its ill-expressed words, and sweet Puritan lips sang haltingly but
lovingly from its pages. This was "Cicely Morse Her Book" in the year 1710,
and bears on many a page her name and the simple little couplet:--

  "In youth I praise
  And walk thy ways."

And pretty it were to see Cicely in her praiseful and godly-walking youth,
as she stood primly clad in her sad-colored gown and long apron, with a
quoif or ciffer covering her smooth hair, and a red whittle on her slender
shoulders, a-singing in the old New England meeting-house through the
long, tedious psalms, which were made longer and more tedious still by the
drawling singing and the deacons' "lining." Truly that were a pretty sight
for our eyes, and for other eyes than ours, without doubt. Staid Puritan
youth may have glanced soberly across the old meeting-house at the fair
girl as she sung the Song of Solomon, with its ardent wording, without any
very deep thought of its symbolic meaning:--

  "Let him with kisses of his mouth
    be pleased me to kiss,
  Because much better than the wine
    thy loving-kindness is.
  To troops of horse in Pharoahs coach,
    my love, I thee compare,
  Thy neck with chains, with jewels new,
    thy cheeks full comely are.
  Borders of gold with silver studs
    for thee make up we will,
  Whilst that the king at's table sits
    my spikenard yields her smell.

  Like as of myrrh a bundle is
    my well-belov'd to be,
  Through all the night betwixt my breasts
    his lodging-place shall be;
  My love as in Engedis vines
    like camphire-bunch to me,
  So fair, my love, thou fair thou art
    thine eyes as doves eyes be."

Love and music were ever close companions; and the singing-school--that
safety-valve of young New England life--had not then been established or
even thought of, and I doubt not many a warm and far from Puritanical
love-glance was cast from the "doves-eyes" across the "alley" of the old
meeting-house at Cicely as she sung.

But Cicely vas not young when she last used the old psalm-book. She may
have been stately and prosperous and seated in the dignified "foreseat;"
she may have been feeble and infirm in her place in the "Deaf Pue;" and she
may have been careworn and sad, tired of fighting against poverty, worn
with dread of fierce Indians, weary of the howls of the wolves in the dense
forests so near, and home-sick and longing for the yonderland, her "faire
Englishe home;" but were she sad or careworn or heartsick, in her treasured
psalm-book she found comfort,--comfort in the halting verses as well as
in the noble thoughts of the Psalmist. And the glamour of eternal,
sweet-voiced youth hangs around the gentle Cicely, through the power of the
inscription in the old psalm-book,--

  "In youth I praise
  And walk thy ways,"--

the romance of the time when Cicely, the Puritan commonwealth, the whole
New World was young.




XIII.

Sternhold and Hopkins' Version of the Psalms.



The metrical translation of the Psalms known as Sternhold and Hopkins'
Version was doubtless used in the public worship of God in many of the
early New England settlements, especially those of the Connecticut River
Valley, though the old register of the town of Ipswich is the only local
record that gives positive proof of its use in the Puritan church. In
1693 an edition of Sternhold and Hopkins was printed in Cambridge,
Massachusetts. It was not a day nor a land where a whole edition of such a
book would be printed for reference or comparison only; and to thus publish
the work of the English psalmists in the very teeth of the popularity of
"The Bay Psalm Book" is to me a proof that Sternhold and Hopkins' Version
was employed far more extensively in the colonial churches and homes than
we now have records of, and than many of our church historians now fancy.
Certainly the familiar English psalm-books must have been brought across
the ocean and used temporarily until the newly landed colonists could
acquire the version of Ainsworth or of the New England divines.

An everlasting interest attaches to this metrical arrangement of the
Psalms, to Americans as well as to Englishmen, because it was the earliest
to be adopted in public worship in England. According to Strype, in his
Memorial, the singing of psalms was allowed in England as early as 1548,
but it was not until 1562 that the versified psalms of Sternhold and
Hopkins were appended to the Book of Common Prayer. Sternhold and Hopkins'
Version was also the first to give all the psalms of David in English verse
to the English public.

Very little is known of the authors of this version. Sternhold was educated
at Oxford; was Groom of the Robes to Henry VIII. and Edward VI., was a
"bold and busy Calvinist," and died in 1549. The little of interest told
of John Hopkins is that he was a minister and schoolmaster, and that he
assisted the work of Sternhold.

The full reason for Sternhold's pious work is thus given by an old English
author, Wood: "Being a most zealous reformer and a very strict liver he
became so scandalyzed at the loose amorous songs used in the court that he
forsooth turned into English metre fifty-one of Davids Psalms, and caused
musical notes to be set to them, thinking thereby that the courtiers
would sing them instead of their sonnets; but they did not, only some few
excepted." The preface printed in the book stated Sternhold's wish and
intention that the verses should be sung by Englishmen, not only in church,
but "moreover in private houses for their godly solace and comfort; laying
apart all ungodly Songs & Ballads which tend only to the nourishment of
vice & corrupting of youth."

The first edition contained nineteen psalms only, which were all versified
by Sternhold. It was published in 1548 or 1549, under this title, "Certayn
Psalmes chosen out of the Psalter of Daid and drawen into English Metre by
Thomas Sternhold Groom of ye Kynges Maiesties Roobes." I believe no copy of
this edition is now known to exist.

The praise which Sternhold received for his pious rhymes had the same
effect upon him as did similar encomiums upon his predecessor, the French
psalm-writer Marot,--it encouraged him to write more psalm-verses.

The second edition was printed in 1549, and contained thirty-seven psalms
by Sternhold and seven by Hopkins. It bore this title, "Al such Psalmes of
David as Thomas Sternehold late grome of his maiesties robes did in his
lyfe tyme drawe into English metre." It was a well-printed book and copies
are still preserved in the British Museum and the Public Library of
Cambridge, England. This second and enlarged edition was dedicated, in a
four-page preface, to King Edward VI., and a pretty story is told of the
young king's interest in the verses. The delicate and gentle boy of twelve
heard Sternhold when "singing them to his organ" as Strype says, and
wandered in to hear the music and listen to the words. So great was his
awakened interest in the sacred songs that Sternhold resolved to write in
verse for him still further of the psalms. The dedication reads: "Seeing
that your tender and godly zeale dooth more delight in the holye songs of
veritie than in any fayncd rymes of vanytie, I am encouraged to travayle
further in the said booke of Psalmes." This young king restored to the
English people the free reading of the Bible, which his wicked father,
Henry VIII., had forbidden them, and he was of a sincerely religious
nature. He also was a music-lover, and encouraged the art as much as his
short life and troubled reign permitted.

Hopkins also wrote a preface for his share of the work, in which he spoke
with much modesty of himself and much praise of Sternhold. He said his own
verses were not "in any parte to bee compared with his [Sternhold's] most
exquisite dooynges." He thinks, however, that his owne are "fruitfull
though they bee not fyne."

The third edition, in 1556, contained fifty-one psalms; the fourth, in
1560, had sixty-seven psalms; the fifth, in 1561, increased the number to
eighty-seven; and in 1562 or 1563 the whole book of psalms appeared. Other
authors had some share in this work: Norton, Whyttyngham (a Puritan divine
who married Calvin's sister), Kethe, who wrote the 100th Psalm, "All people
that on earth do dwell," which is still seen in some of our hymn-books. Of
all these men, sly old Thomas Fuller truthfully and quaintly said, "They
were men whose piety was better than their poetry, and they had drunk more
of Jordan than of Helicon."

For over one hundred years from the first publication there was a steady
outpour of editions of these Psalms. Before the year 1600 there were
seventy-four editions,--a most astonishing number for the times; and from
1600 to 1700 two hundred and thirty-five editions. In 1868 six hundred and
one editions were known, including twenty-one in this nineteenth century
and doubtless there were still others uncatalogued and forgotten. Among
other editions this version had in the time of Charles II. two in
shorthand, one printed by "Thos. Cockerill at the Three Legs and Bible in
the Poultry." Two copies of these editions are in the British Museum. They
are tiny little 64mos, of which half a dozen could be laid side by side on
the palm of the hand. Sternhold and Hopkins' Version had also in 1694 the
honor of having arranged for it a Concordance.

Upon no production of the religious Muse in the English tongue has greater
diversity of criticism been displayed or more extraordinary or varied
judgment been rendered than upon Sternhold and Hopkins' Psalms. A world of
testimony could be adduced to fortify any view which one chose to take
of them. At the time of their early publication they induced a swarm of
stinging lampoons and sneering comments, that often evince most plainly
that a difference in religious belief or scorn for an opposing sect brought
them forth. The poetry of that and the succeeding century abounds in
allusions to them. Phillips wrote:--

      "Singing with woful noise
  Like a crack'd saints bell jarring in the steeple,
  Tom Sternhold's wretched prick-song for the people."

Another poet, a courtier, wrote:--

  "Sternhold and Hopkins had great qualms
  When they translated David's psalms."

But I see no signs of qualmishness; they show to me rather a healthy
sturdiness as one of their strongest characteristics.

Pope at a later day wrote:--

  "Not but there are who merit other palms
    Hopkins and Sternhold glad the heart with psalms.
  The boys and girls whom charity maintains
    Implore your help in these pathetic strains.
  How could devotion touch the country pews
    Unless the gods bestowed a proper muse."

Wesley sneered at this version, saying, "When it is seasonable to sing
praises to God we do it, not in the scandalous doggrel of Hopkins and
Sternhold, but in psalms and hymns which are both sense and poetry, such
as would provoke a _critic_ to turn _Christian_ rather than a
_Christian_ to turn _critic_."

The edition of 1562 was printed with the notes of melodies that were then
called Church Tunes. They formed the basis of all future collections of
psalm-music for over a century. They soon were published in harmony in four
parts, "which may be sung to all musical instrumentes set forth for the
encrease of vertue and abolyshing of other vayne and tryfling ballads." In
1592 a very important collection of psalm-tunes was published to use with
Sternhold and Hopkins' words. It is called "The Whole Booke of Psalmes:
with their wonted tunes as they are sung in Churches composed into four
parts." This book is noteworthy because in it the tunes are for the first
time named after places, as is still the custom. The music contained square
or oblong notes and also lozenge-shaped notes. The square note was a
"semy-brave," the lozenge-shaped note was a "prycke" or a "mynymme," and
"when there is a prycke by the square note, that prycke is half as much as
the note that goeth before."

Music at that time was said to be pricked, not printed,--the word being
derived from the prick or dot which formed the head of the note. Any song
which was printed in various parts was called a prick-song, to distinguish
it from one sung extemporaneously or by ear. The word prick-song occurs not
only in all the musical books, but in the literature of the time, and in
Shakespeare. "Tom Sternhold's" songs were entitled to be called prick-songs
because they had notes of music printed with them. Many of the tunes
in this collection were taken from the Genevan Psalter and Luther's
Psalm-Book, or from Marot and Beza's French Book of Psalms. Hence they were
irreverently called "Genevan Jiggs," and "Beza's Ballets."

There is much difference shown in the wording of these various editions of
Sternhold and Hopkins' Psalms. The earlier ones were printed as Sternhold
wrote them; but with the Genevan editions began great and astonishing
alterations. Warton, who was no lover of Sternhold and Hopkins' verses,
calling them "the disgrace of sacred poetry," said of these attempted
improvements, with vehemence, that "many stanzas already too naked and weak
like a plain old Gothic edifice stripped of its signatures of antiquity,
have lost that little and almost only strength and support which they
derived from ancient phrases." Other old critics thought that Sternhold,
could he return to life, would hardly know his own verses.

This is Sternhold's rendering of the Psalm in the edition of 1549:--

  1.  The heavens & the fyrmamente
        do wondersly declare
      The glory of God omnipotent
        his workes and what they are.

  2.  Ech daye declareth by his course
        an other daye to come
      And By the night we know lykwise
        a nightly course to run.

  3.  There is no laguage tong or speche
        where theyr sound is not heard,
      In al the earth and coastes thereof
        theyr knowledge is conferd.

  4.  In them the lord made royally
        a settle for the sunne
      Where lyke a Gyant joyfully
        he myght his iourney runne.

  5.  And all the skye from ende to ende
        he compast round about
      No man can hyde hym from his heate
        but he wll fynd hym out

In order to show the liberties taken with the text we can compare with it
the Genevan edition printed in 1556. The second verse of that presumptuous
rendering reads,--

  "The wonderous works of God appears
    by every days success
  The nyghts which likewise their race runne
    the selfe same thinges expresse."

The fourth,--

  "In them the lorde made for the sunne
    a place of great renoune
  Who like a bridegrome rady-trimed
    doth from his chamber come."

The expression "rady-trimed," meaning close-shaven, is often instanced as
one of the inelegancies of Sternhold, but he surely ought not to be held
responsible for the "improvements" of the Genevan edition published after
his death.

The Genevan editors also invented and inserted an extra verse:--

  "And as a valiant champion
    who for to get a prize
  With joye doth hast to take in hande
    some noble enterprise."

The fifth verse is thus altered:--

  "And al the skye from ende to ende
    he compasseth about,
  Nothing can hyde it from his heate
    but he wil finde it out."

I cannot express the indignation with which I read these belittling and
weakening alterations and interpolations; they are so unjust and
so degrading to the reputation of Sternhold. It seems worse than
forgery--worse than piracy; for instead of stealing from the defenceless
dead poet, it foists upon him a spurious and degrading progeny; there is no
word to express this tinkering libellous literary crime.

Cromwell had a prime favorite among these psalms; it was the one hundred
and ninth and is known as the "cursing psalm." Here are a few lines from
it:--

  "As he did cursing love, it shall
    betide unto him so,
  And as he did not blessing love
    it shall be farre him fro,
  As he with cursing clad himselfe
    so it like water shall
  Into his bowels and like oyl
    Into his bones befall.
  As garments let it be to him
    to cover him for aye
  And as a girdle wherewith he
    may girded be alway."

Another authority gives the "cursing psalm" as the nineteenth of King
James's version; but there is nothing in "The heavens declare the glory of
God," &c. to justify the nickname of "cursing."

It is said when the tyrannical ruler Andros visited New Haven and attended
church there that (Sternhold and Hopkins' Version being used) the fearless
minister very inhospitably gave out the fifty-second psalm to be sung. The
angry governor, who took it as a direct insult, had to listen to the lining
and singing of these words, and I have no doubt they were roared out with a
lusty will:--

  1.  Why dost thou tyrant boast thyself
        thy wicked deeds to praise
      Dost thou not know there is a God
        whose mercies last alwaies?

  2.  Why doth thy mind yet still deuise
        such wisked wiles to warp?
      Thy tongue untrue, in forging lies
        is like a razer sharp.

       *       *       *       *       *

  4.  Thou dost delight in fraude & guilt
        in mischief bloude and wrong:
      Thy lips have learned the flattering stile
        O false deceitful tongue.

  5.  Therefore shall God for eye confounde
        and pluck thee from thy place.
      Thy seed and root from out the grounde
        and so shall thee deface;

  6.  The just when they behold thy fall
        with feare will praise the Lord:
      And in reproach of thee withall
        cry out with one accord.

When the unhappy King Charles fled from Oxford to a camp of troops he also
was insulted by having the same psalm given out in his presence by the
boorish chaplain of the troops. After the cruel words were ended the
heartsick king rose and asked the soldiers to sing the fifty-sixth psalm.
Whenever I read the beautiful and pathetic words, as peculiarly appropriate
as if they had been written for that occasion only, I can see it all before
me,--the great camp, the angry minister, the wretched but truly royal king;
and I can hear the simple and noble song as it pours from the lips of
hundreds of rude soldiers:

  1.  Have mercy Lord on mee I pray
        for man would mee devour.
      He fighteth with me day by day
        and troubleth me each hour.

  2.  Mine enemies daily enterprise
        to swallow mee outright
      To fight against me many rise
        O thou most high of might

       *       *       *       *       *

  5.  What things I either did or spake
        they wrest them at thier wil:
      And all the councel that they take
        is how to work me il.

  6.  They all consent themselves to hide
        close watch for me to lay:
      They spie my pathes, and snares have layd
        to take my life away.

  7.  Shall they thus scape on mischief set,
        thou God on them wilt frowne:
      For in his wrath he will not let
        to throw whole kingdomes downe.

It would perhaps be neither just nor conducive to proper judgment to gather
only a florilege of noble verses from Sternhold and Hopkins' Version and
point out none of the "weedy-trophies," the quaint and even uncouth lines
which disfigure the work. We must, however, in considering and judging
them, remember that many words and even phrases which at present
seem rather ludicrous or undignified had, in the sixteenth century,
significations which have now become obsolete, and which were then neither
vulgar nor unpoetical. I also have been forced to take my selections from
a copy of Sternhold and Hopkins printed in 1599, and bound up with a
"Breeches Bible;" for I have access to no earlier edition. Sternhold
and Hopkins themselves may not be in truth responsible for many of
the crudities. Hopkins, in his rendition of the 12th verse of the
seventy-fourth Psalm, thus addresses the Deity:--

  "Why doost withdraw thy hand abacke
    and hide it in thy lappe?
  O pluck it out and bee not slacke
    to give thy foes a rap."

"Rap" may have meant a heavier, a mightier blow then than it does
now-a-days.

Here is another curious verse from the seventieth psalm,--

  "Confounde them that apply
    and seeke to make my shame
  And at my harme doe laugh & crye
    So So there goeth the game."

The sixth verse of the fifty-eighth psalm is rendered thus:--

  "O God breake thou thier teeth at once
    within thier mouthes throughout;
  The tuskes that in thier great jawbones
    like Lions whelpes hang out."

Another verse reads thus:--

  "The earth did quake, the raine pourde down
    Heard men great claps of thunder
  And Mount Sinai shooke in such state
    As it would cleeve in sunder."

One verse of the thirty-fifth psalm reads thus:--

  "The belly-gods and flattering traine
    that all good things deride
  At me doe grin with greate disdaine
    and pluck thier mouths aside.
  Lord when wilt thou amend this geare
    why dost thou stay & pause?
  O rid my soul, my onely deare,
    out of these Lions clawes."

The word tush occurs frequently and quaintly: "Tush I an sure to fail;"
"Tush God forgetteth this."

  "And with a blast doth puff against
  such as would him correct
  Tush Tush saith he I have no dread."

Here are some of the curious expressions used:--

  "Though gripes of grief and pangs full sore
    shall lodge with us all night."

  "For why their hearts were nothing lent
    to Him nor to His trade."

  "Our soul in God hath joy and game."

  "They are so fed that even for fat
    thier eyes oft-times out start."

  "They grin they mow they nod thier heads."

  "While they have war within thier hearts."
    as butter are thier words."

  "Divide them Lord & from them pul
    thier devilish double-tongue."

  "My silly soul uptake."

  "And rained down Manna for them to eat
    a food of mickle-wonder."

  "For joy I have both gaped & breathed."

But it is useless to multiply these selections, which, viewed individually,
are certainly absurd and inelegant. They often indicate, however, the exact
thought of the Psalmist, and are as well expressed as the desire to be
literal as well as poetic will permit them to be. Sternhold's verses
compare quite favorably, when looked at either as a whole or with regard to
individual lines, with those of other poets of his day, for Chaucer was the
only great poet who preceded him.

I must acknowledge quite frankly in the face of critics of both this and
the past century that I always read Sternhold and Hopkins' Psalms with a
delight, a satisfaction that I can hardly give reasons for. Many of the
renderings, though unmelodious and uneven, have a rough vigor and a
sweeping swing that is to me wonderfully impressive, far more so than many
of the elegant and polished methods of modern versifiers. And they are so
thoroughly antique, so devoid of any resemblance to modern poems, that I
love them for their penetrating savor of the olden times; and they seem no
more to be compared and contrasted with modern verses than should an old
castle tower be compared with a fine new city house. We prefer the latter
for a habitation, it is infinitely better in every way, but we can admire
also the rough grandeur of the old ruin.




XIV.

Other Old Psalm-Books.



There are occasionally found in New England on the shelves of old
libraries, in the collections of antiquaries, or in the attics of old
farm-houses, hidden in ancient hair-trunks or painted sea-chests or among a
pile of dusty books in a barrel,--there are found dingy, mouldy, tattered
psalm-books of other versions than the ones which we know were commonly
used in the New England churches. Perhaps these books were never employed
in public worship in the new land; they may have been brought over by some
colonist, in affectionate remembrance of the church of his youth, and sung
from only with tender reminiscent longing in his own home. But when groups
of settlers who were neighbors and friends in their old homes came to
America and formed little segregated communities by themselves, there is no
doubt that they sung for a time from the psalm-books that they brought with
them.

A rare copy is sometimes seen of Marot and Beza's French Psalm-book,
brought to America doubtless by French Huguenot settlers, and used by them
until (and perhaps after) the owners had learned the new tongue. Some of
the Huguenots became members of the Puritan churches in America, others
were Episcopalians. In Boston the Fancuils, Baudoins, Boutineaus,
Sigourneys, and Johannots were all Huguenots, and attended the little brick
church built on School Street in 1704, which was afterwards occupied by
the Twelfth Congregational Society of Boston, and in 1788 became a Roman
Catholic church.

The pocket psalm-book of Gabriel Bernon, the builder of the old French Fort
at Oxford, is one of Marot and Beza's Version, and is still preserved and
owned by one of his descendants; other New England families of French
lineage cherish as precious relics the French psalm-books of their Huguenot
ancestors. There has been in France no such incessant production of new
metrical versions of the psalms as in England. From the time of the
publication of the first versified psalms in 1540, through nearly three
centuries the psalm-book of all French Protestants has been that of Marot
and Beza. This French version of the psalms is of special interest to all
thoughtful students of the history of Protestantism, because it was the
first metrical translation of the psalms ever sung and used by the people;
and it was without doubt one of the most powerful influences that assisted
in the religious awakening of the Reformation.

Clement Marot was the "Valet of the Bed-chamber to King Francis I.," and
was one of the greatest French poets of his time; in fact, he gave his
name to a new school of poetry,--"Marotique." He had tried his hand at
an immense variety of profane verse, he had written ballades, chansons,
pastourelles, vers équivoques, eclogues, laments, complaints, epitaphs,
chants-royals, blasons, contreblasons, dizains, huitains, envois; he had
been, Warton says, "the inventor of the rondeau and the restorer of the
madrigal;" and yet, in spite of his well-known ingenuity and versatility,
it occasioned much surprise and even amusement when it was known that the
gay poet had written psalm-songs and proposed to substitute them for the
love-songs of the French court. I doubt if Marot thought very deeply of the
religious influence of his new songs, in spite of Mr. Morley's belief in
the versifier's serious intent. He was doubtless interested and perhaps
somewhat infected by "Lutheranisme," though perhaps he was more of a
free-thinker than a Protestant. He himself said of his faith:--

              "I am not a Lutherist
  Nor Zuinglian and less Anabaptist,
  I am of God through his son Jesus Christ.
  I am one who has many works devised
  From which none could extract a single line
  Opposing itself to the law divine."

And again:--

  "Luther did not come down from heaven for me
  Luther was not nailed to the cross to be
  My Saviour; for my sins to suffer shame,
  And I was not baptized in Luther's name.
  The name I was baptized in sounds so sweet
  That at the sound of it, what we entreat
  The Eternal Father gives."

In the year 1540, at the instigation of King Francis, Marot presented a
manuscript copy of his thirty new psalm-songs to Charles V., king of Spain,
receiving therefor two hundred gold doubloons. Francis encouraged him by
further gifts, and so praised his work that the author soon published the
thirty in a book which he dedicated to the king; and to which he also
prefixed a metrical address to the ladies of France, bidding these fair
dames to place their

    "doigts sur les espinettes
  Pour dire sainctes chansonnettes."

These "sainctes chansonnettes" became at once the rage; courtiers and
princes, lords and ladies, ever ready for some new excitement, seized at
once upon the novel psalm-songs, and having no special or serious music for
them, cheerfully sang the sacred words to the ballad-tunes of the times,
and to their gailliards and measures, without apparently any very deep
thought of their religious meaning. Disraeli says that each of the royal
family and each nobleman chose for his favorite song a psalm expressive of
his own feeling or sentiments. The Dauphin, as became a brave huntsman,
chose

  "Ainsi qu'on vit le cerf bruyre,"

  "As the hart panteth after the water-brook,"

and he gayly and noisily sang it when he went to the chase. The Queen chose

  "Ne vueilles pas, ô sire,
  Me reprendre en ton ire."

  "Rebuke me not in thine indignation."

Antony, king of Navarre, sung

  "Revenge moy prens la querelle,"

  "Stand up, O Lord! to revenge my quarrel,"

to the air of a dance of Poitou. Diane de Poictiers chose

  "Du fond de ma pensée."

  "From the depth of my heart."

But when from interest in her psalm-song she wished to further read and
study the Bible, she was warned from the danger with horror by the Cardinal
of Lorraine. This religious awakening and inquiry was of course deprecated
and dreaded by the Romish Church; to the Sorbonne all this rage for
psalm-singing was alarming enough. What right had the people to sing God's
word, "I will bless the Lord at all times, His praise shall be continually
in my mouth"? The new psalm-songs were soon added to the list of "Heretical
Books" forbidden by the Church, and Marot fled to Geneva in 1543. He had
ere this been under ban of the Church, even under condemnation of death;
had been proclaimed a heretic at all the cross-ways throughout the kingdom,
and had been imprisoned. But he had been too good a poet and courtier to be
lost, and the king had then interested himself and obtained the release of
the versatile song writer. The fickle king abandoned for a second time the
psalm versifier, who never again returned to France.

The austere and far-seeing Calvin at once adopted Marot's version of the
Psalms, now enlarged to the number of fifty, and added them to the Genevan
Confession of Faith,--recommending however that they be sung with the grave
and suitable strains written, for them by Guillaume Frane.

The collection was completed with the assistance of Theodore Beza, the
great theologian, and the demand for the books was so great that the
printers could not supply them quickly enough. Ten thousand copies were
sold at once,--a vast number for the times.

But Marot was not happy in Geneva with Calvin and the Calvinists, as we can
well understand. Beza, in his "History of the French Reformed Churches"
said, "He (Marot) had always been bred up in a very bad school, and could
not live in subjection to the reformation of the Gospel, and therefore
went and spent the rest of his days in Piedmont, which was then in the
possession of the king, where he lived in some security under the favor of
the governor." He lived less than a year, however, dying in 1544.

These psalms of Marot's passed through a great number and variety of
editions. In addition to the Genevan publications, an immense number were
printed in England. Nearly all the early editions were elegant books;
carefully printed on rich paper, beautifully bound in rich moroccos and
leathers, often emblazoned with gold on the covers, and with corners and
clasps of precious metals,--they show the wealth and fashion of the owners.
When, however, it came to be held an infallible sign of "Lutheranisme" to
be a singer of psalms, simpler and cheaper bindings appear; hence the dress
of the French Psalm-Book found in New England is often dull enough, but
invariably firm and substantial.

These psalms of Marot's are written in a great variety of song-measures,
which seem scarcely as solemn and religious as the more dignified and even
metres used by the early English writers. Some are graceful and smooth,
however, and are canorous though never sonorous. They are pleasing to read
with their quaint old spelling and lettering.

In the old Sigourney psalm-book the nineteenth psalm was thus rendered:--

  "Les cieux en chaque lieu
  La puissance de Dieu
    Racourent aux humains
  Ce grand entour espars
  Publie en toutes parts
    L'ouvrage de ses mains.

  "Iour apres iour coulant
  Du Saigneur va parlant
    Par longue experience.
  La nuict suivant la nuict,
  Nous presche et nous instruicst
    De sa grád sapience"

Another much-employed metre was this, of the hundred and thirty-third
psalm:--

  "Asais aux bors do ce superbe fleuve
  Que de Babel les campagnes abreuve,
  Nos tristes coeurs ne pensoient qu' à Sion.
  Chacun, helas, dans cette affliction
  Les yeux en pleurs la morte peinte au visage
  Pendit sa harpe aux saules du rivage."

A third and favorite metre was this:--

  "Mais sa montagne est un sainct lieu:
  Qui viendra done au mont de Dieu?
    Qui est-ce qui là tiendra place?
  Le homine de mains et coeur lavé,
  En vanité non éslevé
    Et qui n'a juré en fallace."

Marot wrote in his preface to the psalms:--

  "Thrice happy they who shall behold
  And listen in that age of gold
  As by the plough the laborer strays
  And carman 'mid the public ways
  And tradesman in his shop shall swell
  The voice in psalm and canticle,
  Sing to solace toil; again
  From woods shall come a sweeter strain,
  Shepherd and shepherdess shall vie
  In many a tender Psalmody,
  And the Creator's name prolong
  As rock and stream return their song."

Though these words seem prophetic, the gay and volatile Marot could never
have foreseen what has proved one of the most curious facts in religious
history,--that from the airy and unsubstantial seed sown by the French
courtier in such a careless, thoughtless manner, would spring the
great-spreading and deep-rooted tree of sacred song.

Little volumes of the metrical rendering of the Psalms, known as "Tate and
Brady's Version," are frequently found in New England. It was the first
English collection of psalms containing any smoothly flowing verses. Many
of the descendants of the Puritans clung with affection to the more literal
renderings of the "New England Psalm-Book," and thought the new verses were
"tasteless, bombastic, and irreverent." The authors of the new book were
certainly not great poets, though Nahum Tate was an English Poet-Laureate.
It is said of him that he was so extremely modest that he was never able
to make his fortune or to raise himself above necessity. He was not too
modest, however, to dare to make a metrical version of the Psalms, to write
an improvement of King Lear, and a continuation of Absalom and Achitophel.
Brady--equally modest--translated the Aeneid in rivalry of Dryden. "This
translation," says Johnson, "when dragged into the world did not live long
enough to cry."

Such commonplace authors could hardly compose a version that would have a
stable foundation or promise of long existence. But few of Tate and Brady's
hymns are now seen in our church-collections of Hymns and Psalms. To them
we owe, however, these noble lines, which were written thus:--

  "Be thou, O God, exalted High,
  And as thy glory fills the Skie
  So let it be on Earth displaid
  Till thou art here as There obeyed."

The hymn commencing,--

  "My soul for help on God relies,
    From him alone my safety flows,"

is also of their composition.

The first edition of these psalms was printed in 1696, and bore this
title, "The Book of Psalms, a new version in metre fitted to the tunes used
in Churches. By N. Tate and N. Brady." It was dedicated to King William,
and though its use was permitted in English churches, it never supplanted
Sternhold and Hopkins' Version. In New England Tate and Brady's Psalms
became more universally popular,--not, however, without fierce opposing
struggles from the older church-members at giving up the venerated "Bay
Psalm-Book."

Another version of Psalms which is occasionally found in New England is
known as "Patrick's Version." The title is "The Psalms of David in Metre
Fitted to the Tunes used in Parish Churches by John Patrick, D.D. Precentor
to the Charter House London." A curious feature of this octavo edition of
1701, which I have, is, "An Explication of Some Words of less Common
Use For the Benefit of the Common People." Here are a few of the
"explications:"--

  "Celebrate--Make renown'd.
  Climes--Countries differing in length of days.
  Detracting--Lessening one's credit.
  Fluid--Yielding.
  Infest--Annoy.
  Theam--Matter of Discourse.
  Uncessant--Never ceasing.
  Stupemlious--Astonishing."

Baxter said of Patrick, "His holy affection and harmony hath so far
reconciled the Nonconformists that diverse of them use his Psalms in
their congregation." I doubt if the version were used in New England
Nonconformist congregations. Some of his verses read thus:--

  "Lord hear the pray'rs and mournfull cries
    Of mine afflicted estate,
  And with thy Comforts chear my soul,
    Before it is too late.

  "My days consume away like Smoak
    Mine anguish is so great,
  My bones are not unlike a hearth
    Parched & dry with heat.

  "Such is my grief I little else
    Can do but sigh and groan.
  So wasted is my flesh I'm left
    Nothing but skin and bone.

  "Like th' Owl and Pelican that dwell
    In desarts out of sight,
  I sadly do bemoan myself,
    In solitude delight.

  "The wakeful bird that on Housetops
    Sits without company
  And spends the night in mournful cries
    Leads such a life as I.

  "The Ashes I rowl in when I eat
    Are tasted with my bread,
  And with my Drink are mixed the tears
    I plentifully shed."

A version of the Psalms which seems to have demanded and deserved more
attention than it received was written by Cotton Mather. He was doomed to
disappointment in seeing his version adopted by the New England churches
just as his ambitions and hopes were disappointed in many other ways. This
book was published in 1718. It was called "Psalterium Americanum. A Book
of Psalms in a translation exactly conformed unto the Original; but all
in blank verse. Fitted unto the tunes commonly used in the Church." By a
curious arrangement of brackets and the use of two kinds of print these
psalms could be divided into two separate metres and could be sung to
tunes of either long or short metre. After each psalm were introduced
explanations written in Mather's characteristic manner,--a manner both
scholarly and bombastic. I have read the "Psalterium Americanum" with care,
and am impressed with its elegance, finish, and dignity. It is so popular,
however, even now-a-days, to jibe at poor Cotton Mather, that his Psalter
does not escape the thrusts of laughing critics. Mr. Glass, the English
critic, holds up these lines as "one of the rich things:"--

  "As the Hart makes a panting cry
    For cooling streams of water,
  So my soul makes a panting cry
    For thee--O Mighty God."

I have read these lines over and over again, and fail to see anything very
ludicrous in them, though they might be slightly altered to advantage.
Still they may be very absurd and laughable from an English point of view.

So superior was Cotton Mather's version to the miserable verses given in
"The Bay Psalm-Book" that one wonders it was not eagerly accepted by the
New England churches. Doubtless they preferred rhyme--even the atrocious
rhyme of "The Bay Psalm Book." And the fact that the "Psalterium
Americanum" contained no musical notes or directions also militated against
its use.

Other American clergymen prepared metrical versions of the psalms that were
much loved and loudly sung by the respective congregations of the writers.
The work of those worthy, painstaking saints we will neither quote nor
criticise,--saying only of each reverend versifier, "Truly, I would
the gods had made thee poetical." Rev. John Barnard, who preached for
fifty-four years in Marblehead, published at the age of seventy years a
psalm-book for his people. Though it appeared in 1752, a time when "The Bay
Psalm Book" was being shoved out of the New England churches, Barnard's
Version of the Psalms was never used outside of Marblehead. Rev. Abijah
Davis published another book of psalms in which he copied whole pages from
Watts without a word of thanks or of due credit, which was apparently
neither Christian, clerical nor manly behavior.

Watts's monosyllabic Hymns, which were not universally used in America
until after the Revolution, are too well known and are still too frequently
seen to need more than mention. Within the last century a flood of new
books of psalms of varying merit and existence has poured out upon the New
England churches, and filled the church libraries and church, pews, the
second-hand book shops, the missionary boxes, and the paper-mills.




XV.

The Church Music.



Of all the dismal accompaniments of public worship in the early days of New
England, the music was the most hopelessly forlorn,--not alone from the
confused versifications of the Psalms which were used, but from the
mournful monotony of the few known tunes and the horrible manner in which
those tunes were sung. It was not much better in old England. In 1676
Master Mace wrote of the singing in English churches, "'T is sad to
hear what whining, toling, yelling or shreaking there is in our country
congregations."

A few feeble efforts were made in America at the beginning of the
eighteenth century to attempt to guide the singing. The edition of 1698 of
"The Bay Psalm-Book" had "Some few Directions" regarding the singing added
on the last pages of the book, and simple enough they were in matter if not
in form. They commence, "_First_, observe how many note-compass the
tune is next the place of your first note, and how many notes above and
below that so as you may begin the tune of your first note, as the rest may
be sung in the compass of your and the peoples voices without Squeaking
above or Grumbling below."

This "Squeaking above and Grumbling below" had become far too frequent in
the churches; Judge Sewall writes often with much self-reproach of his
failure in "setting the tune," and also records with pride when he "set the
psalm well." Here is his pathetic record of one of his mistakes: "He spake
to me to set the tune. I intended Windsor and fell into High Dutch, and
then essaying to set another tune went into a Key much to high. So I pray'd
to Mr. White to set it which he did well. Litchfield Tune. The Lord Humble
me and Instruct me that I should be the occasion of any interruption in the
worship of God."

The singing at the time must have been bad beyond belief; how much of its
atrocity was attributable to the use of "The Bay Psalm-Book," cannot now
be known. The great length of many of the psalms in that book was a fatal
barrier to any successful effort to have good singing. Some of them were
one hundred and thirty lines long, and occupied, when lined and sung, a
full half-hour, during which the patient congregation stood. It is told of
Dr. West, who preached in Dartmouth in 1726, that he forgot one Sabbath Day
to bring his sermon to meeting. He gave out a psalm, walked a quarter of a
mile to his house, got his sermon, and was back in his pulpit long before
the psalm was finished. The irregularity of the rhythm in "The Bay Psalm
Book" must also have been a serious difficulty to overcome. Here is the
rendering given of the 133d Psalm:--

  1. How good and sweet to see
       i'ts for bretheren to dwell
       together in unitee:

  2. Its like choice oyle that fell
       the head upon
       that down did flow
       the beard unto
       beard of Aron:
       The skirts of his garment
       that unto them went down:

  3. Like Hermons dews descent
       Sions mountains upon
       for there to bee
       the Lords blessing
       life aye lasting
       commandeth hee.

How this contorted song could have been sung even to the simplest tune by
unskilled singers who possessed no guiding notes of music is difficult
to comprehend. Small wonder that Judge Sewall was forced to enter in his
diary, "In the morning I set York tune and in the second going over, the
gallery carried it irresistibly to St. Davids which discouraged me very
much." We can fancy him stamping his foot, beating time, and roaring York
at the top of his old lungs, and being overcome by the strong-voiced
gallery, and at last sadly succumbing to St. David's. Again he writes: "I
set York tune and the Congregation went out of it into St. Davids in the
very 2nd going over. They did the same 3 weeks before. This is the 2nd
Sign. It seems to me an intimation for me to resign the Praecentor's Place
to a better Voice. I have through the Divine Long suffering and Favour done
it for 24 years and now God in his Providence seems to call me off, my
voice being enfeebled." Still a third time he "set Windsor tune;" they "ran
over into Oxford do what I would." These unseemly "running overs" became
so common that ere long each singer "set the tune" at his own will and the
loudest-voiced carried the day. A writer of the time, Rev. Thomas Walter,
says of this reign of _concordia discors_: "The tunes are now
miserably tortured and twisted and quavered, in some Churches, into a
horrid Medly of confused and disorderly Voices. Our tunes are left to the
Mercy of every unskilful Throat to chop and alter, to twist and change,
according to their infinitely divers and no less Odd Humours and Fancies.
I have myself paused twice in one note to take breath. No two Men in the
Congregation quaver alike or together, it sounds in the Ears of a Good
Judge like five hundred different Tunes roared out at the same Time, with
perpetual Interfearings with one another."

Still, confused and poor as was the singing, it was a source of pure and
unceasing delight to the Puritan colonists,--one of the rare pleasures they
possessed,--a foretaste of heaven;

      "for all we know
  Of what the blessed do above
  Is that they sing and that they love."

And to even that remnant of music--their few jumbled cacophonous
melodies--they clung with a devotion almost phenomenal.

Nor should we underrate the cohesive power that psalm-singing proved in the
early communities; it was one of the most potent influences in gathering
and holding the colonists together in love. And they reverenced their poor
halting tunes in a way quite beyond our modern power of fathoming. Whenever
a Puritan, even in road or field, heard at a distance the sound of a
psalm-tune, though the sacred words might be quite undistinguishable, he
doffed his hat and bowed his head in the true presence of God. We fain must
believe, as Arthur Hugh Clough says,--

    "There is some great truth, partial, very likely, but needful, Lodged,
    I am strangely sure, in the tones of an English psalm-tune."

Judge Sewall often writes with tender and simple pathos of his being moved
to tears by the singing,--sometimes by the music, sometimes by the words.
"The song of the 5th Revelation was sung. I was ready to burst into tears
at the words, _bought with thy blood_." He also, with a vehemence of
language most unusual in him and which showed his deep feeling, wrote that
he had an intense passion for music. And yet, the only tunes he or any of
his fellow-colonists knew were the simple ones called Oxford, Litchfield,
Low Dutch, York, Windsor, Cambridge, St. David's and Martyrs.

About the year 1714 Rev. John Tufts, of Newbury, who had previously
prepared "A very Plain and Easy Introduction to the Art of Singing
Psalm-tunes," issued a collection of tunes in three parts. These
thirty-seven tunes, all of which but one were in common metre, were bound
often with "The Bay Psalm-Book." They were reprinted from Playford's "Book
of Psalms" and the notes of the staff were replaced with letters and dots,
and the bars marking the measures were omitted. To the Puritans, this great
number of new tunes appeared fairly monstrous, and formed the signal for
bitter objections and fierce quarrels.

In 1647 a tract had appeared on church-singing which had attracted much
attention. It was written by Rev John Cotton to attempt to influence the
adoption and universal use of "The Bay Psalm-Book." This tract thoroughly
considered the duty of singing, the matter sung, the singers, and the
manner of singing, and, like all the literature of the time, was full of
Biblical allusion and quotation. It had been said that "man should sing
onely and not the women. Because it is not permitted to a woman to speake
in the Church, how then shall they sing? Much lesse is it permitted to them
to prophecy in the church and singing of Psalms is a kind of Prophecying."
Cotton fully answered and contradicted these false reasoners, who would
have had to face a revolution had they attempted to keep the Puritan women
from singing in meeting. The tract abounds in quaint expressions, such as,
"they have scoffed at Puritan Ministers as calling the people to sing one
of _Hopkins-Jiggs_ and so _hop_ into the pulpit." Though he wrote
this tract to encourage good singing in meeting, his endorsement of "lining
the Psalm" gave support to the very element that soon ruined the singing.
His reasons, however, were temporarily good, "because many wanted books and
skill to read." At that time, and for a century later, many congregations
had but one or two psalm-books, one of which was often bound with the
church Bible and from which the deacon lined the psalm.

So villanous had church-singing at last become that the clergymen arose in
a body and demanded better performances; while a desperate and disgusted
party was also formed which was opposed to all singing. Still another band
of old fogies was strong in force who wished to cling to the same way of
singing that they were accustomed to; and they gave many objections to the
new-fangled idea of singing by note, the chief item on the list being the
everlasting objection of all such old fossils, that "the old way was good
enough for our fathers," &c. They also asserted that "_the names of
the notes were blasphemous_;" that it was "popish;" that it was a
contrivance to get money; that it would bring musical instruments into the
churches; and that "no one could learn the tunes any way." A writer in the
"New England Chronicle" wrote in 1723, "Truly I have a great jealousy
that if we begin to _sing_ by _rule_, the next thing will be
to _pray_ by rule and _preach_ by rule and _then comes popery_."

It is impossible to overestimate the excitement, the animosity, and the
contention which arose in the New England colonies from these discussions
over "singing by rule" or "singing by rote." Many prominent clergymen wrote
essays and tracts upon the subject; of these essays "The Reasonableness of
Regular Singing," also a "Joco-serious Dialogue on Singing," by Reverend
Mr. Symmes; "Cases of Conscience," compiled by several ministers; "The
Accomplished Singer," by Cotton Mather, were the most important. "Singing
Lectures" also were given in many parts of New England by various prominent
ministers. So high was party feud that a "Pacificatory Letter" was
necessary, which was probably written by Cotton Mather, and which soothed
the troubled waters. The people who thought the "old way was the best" were
entirely satisfied when they were convinced that the oldest way of all was,
of course, by note and not by rote.

This naive extract from the records of the First Church of Windsor,
Connecticut, will show the way in which the question of "singing by rule"
was often settled in the churches, and it also gives a very amusing glimpse
of the colonial manner of conducting a meeting:--

"July 2. 1736. At a Society meeting at which Capt. Pelatiah Allyn
Moderator. The business of the meeting proceeded in the following manner
Viz. the Moderator proposed as to the consideration of the meeting in the
1st Place what should be done respecting that part of publick Woiship
called Singing viz. whether in their Publick meetings as on Sabbath day,
Lectures &c they would sing the way that Deacon Marshall usually sung in
his lifetime commonly called the 'Old Way' or whether they would sing the
way taught by Mr. Beal commonly called 'Singing by Rule,' and when the
Society had discoursed the matter the Moderator pioposed to vote for said
two ways as followeth viz. that those that were for singing in publick in
the way practiced by Deacon Marshall should hold up their hands and be
counted, and then that those that were desirous to sing in Mr. Beals way
called 'by Rule' would after show their minds by the same sign which method
was proceeded upon accordingly. But when the vote was passed there being
many voters it was difficult to take the exact number of votes in order to
determine on which side the major vote was; whereupon the Moderator ordered
all the voters to go out of the seats and stand in the alleys and then
those that were for Deacon Marshalls way should go into the mens seats and
those that were for Mr. Beals way should go into the womens seat and
after much objections made against that way, which prevailed not with the
Moderator, it was complied with, and then the Moderator desired that those
that were of the mind that the way to be practiced for singing for the
future on the Sabbath &c should be the way sung by Deacon Marshall as
aforesaid would signify the same by holding up their hands and be counted,
and then the Moderator and myself went and counted the voters and the
Moderator asked me how many there was. I answered 42 and he said there was
63 or 64 and then we both counted again and agreed the number being 43.
Then the Moderator was about to count the number of votes for Mr. Beals
way of Singing called 'by Rule' but it was offered whether it would not be
better to order the voters to pass out of the Meeting House door and there
be counted who did accordingly and their number was 44 or 45. Then the
Moderator proceeded and desired that those who were for singing in Public
the way that Mr. Beal taught would draw out of their seats and pass out of
the door and be counted. They replied they were ready to show their minds
in any proper way where they were if they might be directed thereto but
would not go out of the door to do the same and desired that they might be
led to a vote where they were and they were ready to show their minds which
the Moderator refused to do and thereupon declared that it was voted that
Deacon Marshalls way of singing called the 'Old Way' should be sung in
Publick for the future and ordered me to record the same as the vote of the
Said Society which I refused to do under the circumstances thereof and have
recorded the facts and proceedings."

Good old lining, droning Deacon Marshall! though you were dead and gone,
you and your years of psalm-singings were not forgotten. You lived, an
idealized memory of pure and pious harmony, in the hearts of your old
church friends. Warmly did they fight for your "way of singing;" with
most undeniable and open partiality, with most dubious ingenuousness and
rectitude, did your old neighbor, Captain Pelatiah Allyn, conduct that hot
July music-meeting, counting up boldly sixty-three votes in favor of your
way, when there were only forty-three voters on your side of the alley, and
crowding a final decision in your favor. It is sad to read that when icy
winter chilled the blood, warm partisanship of old friends also cooled, and
innovative Windsor youth carried the day and the music vote, and your good
old way was abandoned for half the Sunday services, to allow the upstart
new fashion to take control.

One happy result arose throughout New England from the victory of the
ardent advocates of the "singing by rule,"--the establishment of the New
England "singing-school,"--that outlet for the pent-up, amusement-lacking
lives of young people in colonial times. What that innocent and
happy gathering was in the monotonous existence of our ancestors and
ancestresses, we of the present pleasure-filled days can hardly comprehend.

Extracts from the records of various colonial churches will show how soon
the respective communities yielded to the march of improvement and "seated
the taught singers" together, thus forming choirs. In 1762 the church
at Rowley, Massachusetts, voted "that those who have learned the art of
Singing may have liberty to sit in the front gallery." In 1780 the same
parish "requested Jonathan Chaplin and Lieutenant Spefford to assist the
deacons in Raising the tune in the meeting house." In Sutton, in 1791, the
Company of Singers were allowed to sit together, and $13 was voted to pay
for "larning to sing by Rule." The Roxbury "First Church" voted in 1770
"three seats in the back gallery for those inclined to sit together for
the purpose of singing" The church in Hanover, in 1742, took a vote to
see whether the "church will sing in the new way" and appoint a tuner. In
Woodbury, Connecticut, in 1750 the singers "may sitt up Galery all day if
they please but to keep to there own seat & not to Infringe on the Women
Pues." In 1763, in the Ipswich First Parish, the singers were allowed to
sit "two back on each side of the front alley." Similar entries may be
found in nearly every record of New England churches in the middle or
latter part of that century.

The musical battle was not finished, however, when the singing was at last
taught by rule, and the singers were allowed to sit together and form a
choir. There still existed the odious custom of "lining" or "deaconing"
the psalm. To this fashion may be attributed the depraved condition of
church-singing of which Walters so forcibly wrote, and while it continued
the case seemed hopeless, in spite of singing-schools and singing-teachers.
It would be trying to the continued uniformity of pitch of an ordinary
church choir, even now-a-days, to have to stop for several seconds between
each line to listen to a reading and sometimes to an explanation of the
following line.

The Westminster Assembly had suggested in 1664 the alternate reading and
singing of each line of the psalm to those churches that were not well
supplied with psalm-books. The suggestion had not been adopted without
discussion, It was in 1680 much talked over in the church in Plymouth, and
was adopted only after getting the opinion of each male church member.
When once taken into general use the custom continued everywhere, through
carelessness and obstinacy, long after the churches possessed plenty of
psalm-books. An early complaint against it was made by Dr. Watts in the
preface of his hymns, which were published by Benjamin Franklin in 1741. As
Watts' Psalms and Hymns were not, however, in general use in New England
until after the Revolution, this preface with its complaint was for a long
time little seen and little heeded.

It is said that the abolition came gradually; that the impetuous and
well-trained singers at first cut off the last word only of the deacon's
"lining;" they then encroached a word or two further, and finally sung
boldly on without stopping at all to be "deaconed." This brought down
a tempest of indignation from the older church-members, who protested,
however, in vain. A vote in the church usually found the singers
victorious, and whether the church voted for or against the "lining," the
choir would always by stratagem vanquish the deacon. One old soldier took
his revenge, however. Being sung down by the rampant choir, he still showed
battle, and rose at the conclusion of the psalm and opened his psalm-book,
saying calmly, "_Now_ let the _people of the Lord sing_."

The Rowley church tried diplomacy in their struggle against "deaconing,"
by instituting a gradual abolishing of the custom. In 1785 the choir was
allowed "to sing once on the Lord's Day without reading by the Deacon." In
five years the Rowley singers were wholly victorious, and "lining out" the
psalm was entirely discontinued.

In 1770, dissatisfaction at the singing in the church was rife in
Wilbraham, and a vote was taken to see whether the town would be willing
to have singing four times at each service; and it was voted to "take into
consideration the Broken State of this Town with regard to singing on the
Sabbath Day." Special and bitter objection was made against the leader
beating time so ostentatiously. A list of singers was made and a
singing-master appointed. The deacon was allowed to lead and line and beat
time in the forenoon, while the new school was to have control in the
afternoon; and "whoever leads the singing shall be at liberty to use the
motion of his hand while singing for the space of three months only." It is
needless to state who came off victorious in the end. The deacon left as a
parting shot a request to "make Inquiry into the conduct of those who call
themselves the Singers in this town."

In Worcester, in 1779, a resolution adopted at the town meeting was "that
the mode of singing in the congregation here be without reading the psalms
line by line." "The Sabbath succeeding the adoption of this resolution,
after the hymn had been read by the minister, the aged and venerable Deacon
Chamberlain, unwilling to abandon the custom of his fathers and his own
honorable prerogative, rose and read the first line according to his usual
practice. The singers, previously prepared to carry the desired alteration
into effect, proceeded in their singing without pausing at the conclusion
of the line. The white-haired officer of the church with the full power
of his voice read on through the second line, until the loud notes of the
collected body of singers overpowered his attempt to resist the progress
of improvement. The deacon, deeply mortified at the triumph of the musical
reformation, then seized his hat and retired from the meeting-house in
tears." His conduct was censured by the church, and he was for a time
deprived of partaking in the communion, for "absenting himself from the
public services of the Sabbath;" but in a few weeks the unhouselled deacon
was forgiven, and never attempted to "line" again.

Though the opponents of "lining" were victorious in the larger villages and
towns, in smaller parishes, where there were few hymn-books, the lining
of the psalms continued for many years. Mr. Hood wrote, in 1846, the
astonishing statement that "the habit of lining prevails to this day over
three-fourths of the United States." This I can hardly believe, though I
know that at present the practice obtains in out of the way towns with poor
and ignorant congregations. The separation of the lines often gives a very
strange meaning to the words of a psalm; and one wonders what the Puritan
children thought when they heard this lino of contradictions that Hood
points out:--

  "The Lord will come and He will not,"

and after singing that line through heard the second line,--

  "Keep silence, but speak out."

Many new psalm-books appeared about the time of the Revolutionary War, and
many church petitions have been preserved asking permission to use the
new and more melodious psalm and hymn books. Books of instruction also
abounded,--books in which the notes were not printed on the staff, and
books in which there were staffs but no notes, only letters or other
characters (these were called "dunce notes"); books, too, in which the
notes were printed so thickly that they could scarcely be distinguished one
from the other.

  "A dotted tribe with ebon heads
  That climb the slender fence along,
  As black as ink, as thick as weeds,
  Ye little Africans of song."

One book--perhaps the worst, since it was the most pretentious--was "The
Compleat Melody or Harmony of Sion," by William Tansur,--"Ingenious
Tans'ur Skilled in Musicks Art." It was a most superficial, pedantic, and
bewildering composition. The musical instruction was given in the form of a
series of ill-spelled dialogues between a teacher and pupil, interspersed
with occasional miserable rhymes. It was ill-expressed at best, and
such musical terms as "Rations of Concords," "Trilloes," "Trifdiapasons,"
"Leaps," "Binding cadences," "Disallowances," "Canons," "Prime Flower
of Florid," "Consecutions of Perfects," and "Figurates," make the book
exceedingly difficult of comprehension to the average reader, though
possibly not to a student of obsolete musical phraseology.

A side skirmish on the music field was at this time fought between the
treble and the tenor parts. Ravenscroft's Psalms and Walter's book had
given the melody, or plain-song, to the tenor. This had, of course, thrown
additional difficulties in the way of good singing; but when once the
trebles obtained the leading part, after the customary bitter opposition,
the improved singing approved the victory.

Many objections, too, were made to the introduction of "triple-time" tunes.
It gave great offence to the older Puritans, who wished to drawl out all
the notes of uniform length; and some persons thought that marking and
accenting the measure was a step toward the "Scarlet Woman." The time was
called derisively, "a long leg and a short one."

These old bigots must have been paralyzed at the new style of psalm-singing
which was invented and introduced by a Massachusetts tanner and
singing-master named Billings, and which was suggested, doubtless, by the
English anthems. It spread through the choirs of colonial villages and
towns like wild-fire, and was called "fuguing." Mr. Billings' "Fuguing
Psalm Singer" was published in 1770. It is a dingy, ill-printed book with
a comically illustrated frontispiece, long pages of instruction, and this
motto:--

  "O, praise the Lord with one consent
    And in this grand design
  Let Britain and the Colonies
    Unanimously join."

The succeeding hymn-books, and the patriotic hymns of Billings in
post-Revolutionary years have no hint of "Britain" in them. The names
"Federal Harmony," "Columbian Harmony," "Continental Harmony," "Columbian
Repository," and "United States Sacred Harmony" show the new nation.
Billings also published the "Psalm Singer's Amusement," and other
singing-books. The shades of Cotton, of Sewall, of Mather must have groaned
aloud at the suggestions, instructions, and actions of this unregenerate,
daring, and "amusing" leader of church-singing.

It seems astonishing that New England communities in those times of anxious
and depressing warfare should have so delightedly seized and adopted this
unusual and comparatively joyous style of singing, but perhaps the new
spirit of liberty demanded more animated and spirited expression; and
Billings' psalm-tunes were played with drum and fife on the battlefield to
inspire the American soldiers. Billings wrote of his fuguing invention, "It
has more than twenty times the power of the old slow tunes. Now the solemn
bass demands their attention, next the manly tenor, now the lofty counter,
now the volatile treble. Now here! Now there! Now here again! Oh ecstatic,
push on, ye sons of harmony!" Dr. Mather Byles wrote thus of fuguing:--

  "Down starts the Bass with Grave Majestic Air,
  And up the Treble mounts with shrill Career,
  With softer Sounds in mild melodious Maze
  Warbling between, the Tenor gently plays
  And, if th' inspiring Altos joins the Force
  See! like the Lark it Wings its towering Course
  Thro' Harmony's sublimest Sphere it flies
  And to Angelic Accents seems to rise."

A more modern poet in affectionate remembrance thus sings the fugue:--

  "A fugue let loose cheers up the place,
    With bass and tenor, alto, air,
  The parts strike in with measured grace,
    And something sweet is everywhere.

  "As if some warbling brood should build
    Of bits of tunes a singing nest;
  Each bringing that with which it thrilled
    And weaving it with all the rest."

All public worshippers in the meetings one hundred years ago did not,
however, regard fuguing as "something sweet everywhere," nor did they agree
with Billings and Byles as to its angelic and ecstatic properties. Some
thought it "heartless, tasteless, trivial, and irreverent jargon." Others
thought the tunes were written more for the absurd inflation of the singers
than for the glory of God; and many fully sympathized with the man who
hung two cats over Billings's door to indicate his opinion of Billings's
caterwauling. An old inhabitant of Roxbury remembered that when fuguing
tunes were introduced into his church "they produced a literally fuguing
effect on the older people, who went out of the church as soon as the first
verse was sung." One scandalized and belligerent old clergyman, upon the
Sabbath following the introduction of fuguing into his church, preached
upon the prophecy of Amos, "The songs of the temple shall be turned
into howling," while another took for his text the sixth verse of the
seventeenth chapter of Acts, "Those that have turned the world upside down,
are come hither also." One indignant and disgusted church attendant thus
profanely recorded in church his views:--

"Written out of temper on a Pannel in one of the Pues in Salem Church:--

  "Could poor King David but for once
    To Salem Church repair;
  And hear his Psalms thus warbled out,
    Good Lord, how he would swear

  "But could St Paul but just pop in,
    From higher scenes abstracted,
  And hear his Gospel now explained,
    By Heavens, he'd run distracted."

These lines were reprinted in the "American Apollo" in 1792.

The repetition of a word or syllable in fuguing often lead to some
ridiculous variations in the meanings of the lines. Thus the words--

  "With reverence let the saints appear
  And bow before the Lord,"

were forced to be sung, "And bow-wow-wow, And bow-ow-ow," and so on until
bass, treble, alto, counter, and tenor had bow-wowed for about twenty
seconds; yet I doubt if the simple hearts that sung ever saw the absurdity.

It is impossible while speaking of fuguing to pass over an extraordinary
element of the choir called "singing counter." The counter-tenor parts in
European church-music were originally written for boys' voices. From
thence followed the falsetto singing of the part by men; such was also
the "counter" of New England. It was my fortune to hear once in a country
church an aged deacon "sing counter". Reverence for the place and song, and
respect for the singer alike failed to control the irrepressible start
of amazement and smile of amusement with which we greeted the weird and
apparently demented shriek which rose high over the voices of the choir,
but which did not at all disconcert their accustomed ears. Words, however
chosen, would fail in attempting to describe the grotesque and uncanny
sound.

It is very evident, when once choirs of singers were established and
attempts made for congregations to sing the same tune, and to keep
together, and upon the same key, that in some way a decided pitch must be
given to them to start upon. To this end pitch-pipes were brought into the
singers' gallery, and the pitch was given sneakingly and shamefacedly to
the singers. From these pitch-pipes the steps were gradual, but they led,
as the Puritan divines foresaw, to the general introduction of musical
instruments into the meetings.

This seemed to be attacking the very foundations of their church; for the
Puritans in England had, in 1557, expressly declared "concerning singing of
psalms we allow of the people joining with one voice in a plain tune, but
not in tossing the psalms from one side to the other with mingling of
organs." The Round-heads had, in 1664, gone through England destroying the
noble organs in the churches and cathedrals. They tore the pipes from the
organ in Westminster Abbey, shouting, "Hark! how the organs go!" and, "Mark
what musick that is, that is lawful for a Puritan to dance," and they sold
the metal for pots of ale. Only four or five organs were left uninjured in
all England. 'Twas not likely, then, that New England Puritans would take
kindly to any musical instruments. Cotton Mather declared that there was
not a word in the New Testament that authorized the use of such aids to
devotion. The ministers preached often and long on the text from the
prophecy of Amos, "I will not hear the melody of thy viols;" while,
Puritan-fashion, they ignored the other half of the verse, "Take thou away
from me the noise of thy songs." Disparaging comparisons were made with
Nebuchadnezzar's idolatrous concert of cornet, flute, dulcimer, sackbut,
and psaltery; and the ministers, from their overwhelming store of Biblical
knowledge, hurled text after text at the "fiddle-players."

Some of the first pitch-pipes were comical little apple-wood instruments
that looked like mouse-traps, and great pains was taken to conceal them as
they were passed surreptitiously from hand to hand in the choir. I have
seen one which was carefully concealed in a box that had a leather binding
like a book, and which was ostentatiously labelled in large gilt letters
"Holy Bible;" a piece of barefaced and unnecessary deception on the part of
some pious New England deacon or chorister.

Little wooden fifes were also used, and then metal tuning-forks. A canny
Scotchman, who abhorred the thought of all musical instruments anywhere,
managed to have one fling at the pitch-pipe. The pitch had been given but
was much too high, and before the first verse was ended the choir had to
cease singing. The Scotchman stood up and pointed his long finger to the
leader, saying in broad accents of scorn, "Ah, Johnny Smuth, now ye can
have a chance to blaw yer braw whustle agaen." At a similar catastrophe
owing to the mistake of the leader in Medford, old General Brooks rose in
his pew and roared in an irritated voice of command, "Halt! Take another
pitch, Bailey, take another pitch."

In 1713 there was sent to America an English organ, "a pair of organs" it
was called, which had chanced, by being at the manufacturers instead of in
a church, to have escaped the general destruction by the Round-heads. It
was given by Thomas Brattle to the Brattle Street Church in Boston. The
congregation voted to refuse the gift, and it was then sent to King's
Chapel, where it remained unpacked for several months for fear of hostile
demonstrations, but was finally set up and used. In 1740 a Bostonian named
Bromfield made an organ, and it was placed in a meeting-house and used
weekly. In 1794 the church in Newbury obtained an organ, and many
unpleasant and disparaging references were made by clergymen of other
parishes to "our neighbor's box of whistles," "the tooting tub."

Violoncellos, or bass-viols, as they were universally called, were almost
the first musical instruments that were allowed in the New England
churches. They were called, without intentional irreverence, "Lord's
fiddles." Violins were widely opposed, they savored too much of low, tavern
dance-music. After much consultation a satisfactory compromise was agreed
upon by which violins were allowed in many meetings, if the performers
"would play the fiddle wrong end up." Thus did our sanctimonious
grandfathers cajole and persuade themselves that an inverted fiddle was
not a fiddle at all, but a small bass-viol. An old lady, eighty years old,
wrote thus in the middle of this century, of the church of her youth:
"After awhile there was a bass-viol Introduced and brought into meeting and
did not suit the Old people; one Old Gentleman got up, took his hat off
the peg and marched off. Said they had begun fiddling and there would be
dancing soon." Another church-member, in derisive opposition to a clarinet
which had been "voted into the choir," brought into meeting a fish-horn,
which he blew loud and long to the complete rout of the clarinet-player and
the singers. When reproved for this astounding behavior he answered stoutly
that "if one man could blow a horn in the Lord's House on the Sabbath day
he guessed he could too," and he had to be bound over to keep the peace
before the following Sunday. A venerable and hitherto decorous old deacon
of Roxbury not only left the church when the hated bass-viol began its
accompanying notes, but he stood for a long time outside the church door
stridently "caterwauling" at the top of his lungs. When expostulated with
for this unseemly and unchristianlike annoyance he explained that he was
"only mocking the banjo." To such depths of rebellion were stirred the
Puritan instincts of these religious souls.

Many a minister said openly that he would like to walk out of his pulpit
when the obnoxious and hated flutes, violins, bass-viols, and bassoons were
played upon in the singing gallery. One clergyman contemptuously announced
"We will now sing and fiddle the forty-fifth Psalm." Another complained of
the indecorous dress of the fiddle-player. This had reference to the almost
universal custom, in country churches in the summer time, of the bass-viol
player removing his coat and playing "in his shirt sleeves." Others hated
the noisy tuning of the bass-viol while the psalm was being read. Mr.
Brown, of Westerly, sadly deplored that "now we have only catgut and resin
religion."

In 1804 the church in Quincy, being "advanced," granted the singers the
sum of twenty-five dollars to buy a bass-viol to use in meeting, and a few
other churches followed their lead. From the year 1794 till 1829 the
church in Wareham, Massachusetts, was deeply agitated over the question of
"Bass-Viol, or No Bass-Viol." They voted that a bass-viol was "expedient,"
then they voted to expel the hated abomination; then was obtained "Leave
for the Bass Viol to be brought into ye meeting house to be Played On every
other Sabbath & to Play if chosen every Sabbath in the Intermission between
meetings & not to Pitch the Tunes on the Sabbaths that it don't Play" Then,
they tried to bribe the choir for fifty dollars not to use the "bars-vile,"
but being unsuccessful, many members in open rebellion stayed away from
church and were disciplined therefor. Then they voted that the bass-viol
could not be used unless Capt. Gibbs were previously notified (so he and
his family need not come to hear the hated sounds); but at last, after
thirty years, the choir and the "fiddle-player" were triumphant in Wareham
as they were in other towns.

We were well into the present century before any cheerful and also simple
music was heard in our churches; fuguing was more varied and surprising
than cheerful. Of course, it was difficult as well as inappropriate to
suggest pleasing tunes for such words as these:--

  "Far in the deep where darkness dwells,
    The land of horror and despair,
  Justice hath built a dismal hell,
    And laid her stores of vengeance there:

  "Eternal plagues and heavy chains,
    Tormenting racks and fiery coals,
  And darts to inflict immortal pains,
    Dyed in the blood of damned souls."

But many of the words of the old hymns were smooth, lively, and
encouraging; and the young singers and perhaps the singing-masters craved
new and less sober tunes. Old dance tunes were at first adapted; "Sweet
Anne Page," "Babbling Echo," "Little Pickle" were set to sacred words. The
music of "Few Happy Matches" was sung to the hymn "Lo, on a narrow neck
of land;" and that of "When I was brisk and young" was disguised with
the sacred words of "Let sinners take their course." The jolly old tune,
"Begone dull care," which began,--

  "My wife shall dance, and I will sing,
  And merrily pass the day."

was strangely appropriated to the solemn words,--

  "If this be death, I soon shall be
  From every pain and sorrow free,"

and did not seem ill-fitted either.

"Sacred arrangements," "spiritual songs," "sacred airs," soon followed, and
of course demanded singers of capacity and education to sing them. From
this was but a step to a paid quartette, and the struggle over this last
means of improvement and pleasure in church music is of too recent a date
to be more than referred to.

I attended a church service not many years ago in Worcester, where an old
clergyman, the venerable "Father" Allen, of Shrewsbury, then too aged
and feeble to preach, was seated in the front pew of the church. When a
quartette of singers began to render a rather operatic arrangement of a
sacred song he rose, erect and stately, to his full gaunt height, turned
slowly around and glanced reproachfully over the frivolous, backsliding
congregation, wrapped around his spare, lean figure his full cloak
of quilted black silk, took his shovel hat and his cane, and stalked
indignantly and sadly the whole length of the broad central aisle, out
of the church, thus making a last but futile protest against modern
innovations in church music. Many, in whom the Puritan instincts and blood
are still strong, sympathize internally with him in this feeling; and all
novelty-lovers must acknowledge that the sublime simplicity and deep piety
in which the old Puritan psalm-tunes abound, has seldom been attained in
the modern church-songs. Even persons of neither musical knowledge, taste,
nor love, feel the power of such a tune as Old Hundred; and more modern and
more difficult melodies, though they charm with their harmony and novelty,
can never equal it in impressiveness nor in true religious influence.




XVI.

The Interruptions of the Services.



Though the Puritans were such a decorous, orderly people, their religious
meetings were not always quiet and uninterrupted. We know the torment they
endured from the "wretched boys," and they were harassed by other
annoying interruptions. For the preservation of peace and order they made
characteristic laws, with characteristic punishments. "If any interrupt
or oppose a preacher in season of worship, they shall be reproved by the
Magistrate, and on repetition, shall pay £5, or stand two hours on a block
four feet high, with this inscription in Capitalls, 'A WANTON GOSPELLER.'"
As with other of their severe laws the rigid punishment provoked the crime,
for Wanton Gospellers abounded. The Baptists did not hesitate to state
their characteristic belief in the Puritan meetings, and the Quakers or
"Foxians," as they were often called, interrupted and plagued them sorely.
Judge Sewall wrote, in 1677, "A female quaker, Margaret Brewster, in
sermon-time came in, in a canvass frock, her hair dishevelled loose like a
Periwig, her face as black as ink, led by two other quakers, and two other
quakers followed. It occasioned the greatest and most amazing uproar that I
ever saw." More grievous irruptions still of scantily clad and even naked
Quaker women were made into other Puritan meetings; and Quaker men shouted
gloomily in through the church windows, "Woe! Woe! Woe to the people!"
and, "The Lord will destroy thee!" and they broke glass bottles before
the minister's very face, crying out, "Thus the Lord will break thee in
pieces!" and they came into the meeting-house, in spite of the fierce
tithingman, and sat down in other people's seats with their hats on their
heads, in ash-covered coats, rocking to and fro and groaning dismally, as
if in a mournful obsession. Quaker women managed to obtain admission to the
churches, and they jumped up in the quiet Puritan assemblies screaming out,
"Parson! thou art an old fool," and, "Parson! thy sermon is too long," and,
"Parson! sit down! thee has already said more than thee knows how to say
well," and other unpleasant, though perhaps truthful personalities. It is
hard to believe that the poor, excited, screaming visionaries of those
early days belonged to the same religious sect as do the serene,
low-voiced, sweet-faced, and retiring Quakeresses of to-day. And there is
no doubt that the astounding and meaningless freaks of these half-crazed
fanatics were provoked by the cruel persecutions which they endured from
our much loved and revered, but alas, intolerant and far from perfect
Puritan Fathers. These poor Quakers were arrested, fined, robbed, stripped
naked, imprisoned, laid neck and heels, chained to logs of wood, branded,
maimed, whipped, pilloried, caged, set in the stocks, exiled, sold
into slavery and hanged by our stern and cruel ancestors. Perhaps some
gentle-hearted but timid Puritan souls may have inwardly felt that the
Indian wars, and the destructive fires, and the earthquakes, and the dead
cattle, blasted wheat, and wormy peas, were not judgments of God for small
ministerial pay and periwig-wearing, but punishments for the heartrending
woes of the persecuted Quakers.

Others than the poor Quakers spoke out in colonial meetings. In Salem
village and in other witch-hunting towns the crafty "victims" of the
witches were frequently visited with their mock pains and sham fits in the
meeting-houses, and they called out and interrupted the ministers most
vexingly. Ann Putnam, the best and boldest actress among those cunning
young Puritan witch-accusers, the protagonist of that New England tragedy
known as the Salem Witchcraft, shouted out most embarrassingly, "There is
a yellow-bird sitting on the minister's hat, as it hangs on the pin in the
pulpit." Mr. Lawson, the minister, wrote with much simplicity that "these
things occurring in the time of public worship did something interrupt me
in my first prayer, being so unusual." But he braced himself up in spite
of Ann and the demoniacal yellow-bird, and finished the service. These
disorderly interruptions occurred on every Lord's Day, growing weekly
more constant and more universal, and must have been unbearable. Some few
disgusted members withdrew from the church, giving as reason that "the
distracting and disturbing tumults and noises made by persons under
diabolical power and delusions, preventing sometimes our hearing and
understanding and profiting of the word preached; we having after many
trials and experiences found no redress in this case, accounted ourselves
under a necessity to go where we might hear the word in quiet." These
withdrawing church-members were all of families that contained at least
one person that had been accused of practising witchcraft. They were thus
severely intolerant of the sacrilegious and lawless interruptions of the
shy young "victims," who received in general only sympathy, pity, and even
stimulating encouragement from their deluded and excited neighbors.

One very pleasing interruption,--no, I cannot call it by so severe a
name,--one very pleasing diversion of the attention of the congregation
from the parson was caused by an innocent custom that prevailed in many a
country community. Just fancy the flurry on a June Sabbath in Killingly, in
1785, when Joseph Gay, clad in velvet coat, lace-frilled shirt, and white
broadcloth knee-breeches, with his fair bride of a few days, gorgeous in a
peach-colored silk gown and a bonnet trimmed "with sixteen yards of white
ribbon," rose, in the middle of the sermon, from their front seat in the
gallery and stood for several minutes, slowly turning around in order to
show from every point of view their bridal finery to the eagerly gazing
congregation of friends and neighbors. Such was the really delightful and
thoughtful custom, in those fashion-plateless days, among persons of
wealth in that and other churches; it was, in fact, part of the wedding
celebration. Even in midwinter, in the icy church, the blushing bride would
throw aside her broadcloth cape or camblet roquelo and stand up clad in a
sprigged India muslin gown with only a thin lace tucker over her neck, warm
with pride in her pretty gown, her white bonnet with ostrich feathers and
embroidered veil, and in her new husband.

The services in the meeting-house on the Sabbath and on Lecture days
were sometimes painfully varied, though scarcely interrupted, by a very
distressing and harrowing custom of public abasement and self-abnegation,
which prevailed for many years in the nervously religious colonies. It was
not an enforced punishment, but a voluntary one. Men and women who had
committed crimes or misdemeanors, and who had sincerely repented of their
sins, or who were filled with remorse for some violation of conscience, or
even with regret for some neglect of religious ethics, rose in the Sabbath
meeting before the assembled congregation and confessed their sins, and
humbly asked forgiveness of God, and charity from their fellows. At
other times they stood with downcast heads while the minister read their
confession of guilt and plea for forgiveness. A most graphic account of one
of those painful scenes is thus given by Governor Winthrop in his "History
of New England:"--

    "Captain Underhill being brought by the blessing of God in this
    church's censure of excommunication, to remorse for his foul sins,
    obtained, by means of the elders, and others of the church of Boston, a
    safe conduct under the hand of the governor and one of the council to
    repair to the church. He came at the time of the court of assistants,
    and upon the lecture day, after sermon, the pastor called him forth and
    declared the occasion, and then gave him leave to speak: and in
    it was a spectacle winch caused many weeping eyes, though it afforded
    matter of much rejoicing to behold the power of the Lord Jesus in his
    ordinances, when they are dispensed in his own way, holding forth the
    authority of his regal sceptre in the simplicity of the gospel
    came in his worst clothes (being accustomed to take great pride in his
    bravery and neatness) without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled close
    to his eyes; and standing upon a form, he did, with many deep sighs
    and abundance of tears, lay open his wicked course, his adultery, his
    hypocrisy, his persecution of God's people here, and especially his
    pride (as the root of all which caused God to give him over to his
    other sinful courses) and contempt of the magistrates.... He spake
    well save that his blubbering &c interrupted him, and all along he
    discovered a broken and melting heart and gave good exhortations to
    take heed of such vanities and beginnings of evil as had occasioned his
    fall; and in the end he earnestly and humbly besought the church to
    have compassion of him and to deliver him out of the hands of Satan."

What a picture! what a story! "Of all tales 'tis the saddest--and more sad
because it makes us smile."

Captain John Underhill was a brave though somewhat bumptious soldier, who
had fought under the Prince of Orange in the War of the Netherlands, and
had been employed as temporal drill-master in the church-militant in New
England. He did good service for the colonists in the war with the Pequot
Indians, and indeed wherever there was any fighting to be done. "He thrust
about and justled into fame" He also managed to have apparently a very good
time in the new land, both in sinning and repenting. When he stood up on
the church-seat before the horrified, yet wide-open eyes of pious Boston
folk, in his studiously and theatrically disarranged garments, and
blubbered out his whining yet vain-glorious repentance, he doubtless acted
his part well, for he had twice before been through the same performance,
supplementing his second rehearsal by kneeling down before an injured
husband in the congregation, and asking earthly forgiveness. I wish I
could believe that this final repentance of the resilient captain were
sincere--but I cannot. Nor did Boston people believe it either, though that
noble and generous-minded man, Winthrop, thought he saw at the time of
confession evidences of a truly contrite heart. The Puritans sternly and
eagerly cast out the gay captain to the Dutch when he became an Antinomian,
and he came to live and fight and gallant in a town on the western end of
Long Island, where he perhaps found a church-home with members less severe
and less sharp-eyed than those of his Boston place of martyrdom, and a
people less inclined to resent and punish his frailties and his ways of
amusing himself.

In justice to Underhill (or perhaps to show his double-dealing) I will say
that he left behind him a letter to Hanserd Knollys, complaining of the
ill-treatment he had received; and in it he gives a very different account
of this little affair with the Boston Church from that given us by Governor
Winthrop. The offender says nothing about his hypocrisy, his public and
self-abasing confession, nor of his sanctimonious blubbering and wishes for
death. He explains that his offence was mild and purely mental, that in an
infaust moment he glanced (doubtless stared soldier-fashion) at "Mistris
Miriam Wildbore" as she sat in her "pue" at meeting. The elders, noting his
admiring and amorous glances, thereupon accused him of sin in his heart,
and severely asked him why he did not look instead at Mistress Newell or
Mistress Upham. He replied very spiritedly and pertinently that these dames
were "not desiryable women as to temporal graces," which was certainly
sufficient and proper reason for any man to give, were he Puritan or
Cavalier. Then acerb old John Cotton and some other Boston ascetics
(perhaps Goodman Newell and Goodman Upham, resenting for their wives the
_spretæ injuria formæ_) at once hunted up some plainly applicable
verses from the Bible that clearly proved him guilty of the alleged
sin--and summarily excommunicated him. He also wrote that the pious church
complained that the attractive, the temporally graced Mistress Wildbore
came vainly and over-bravely clad to meeting, with "wanton open-worked
gloves slitt at the thumbs and fingers for the purpose of taking snuff,"
and he resented this complaint against the fair one, saying no harm could
surely come from indulging in the "good creature called tobacco." He would
naturally feel that snuff-taking was a proper and suitable church-custom,
since his own conversion,--dubious though it was,--his religious belief had
come to him, "the spirit fell home upon his heart" while he was indulging
in a quiet smoke.

The story of his offences as told b his contemporaries does not assign to
him so innocuous a diversion as staring across the meeting-house, but the
account is quite as amusing as his own plaintive and deeply injured version
of his arraignment.

Other letters of his have been preserved to us,--letters blustering as
was Ancient Pistol, and equally sanctimonious, letters fearfully and
phonetically spelt. Here is the opening of a letter written while he
was under sentence of excommunication from the Boston Church, and of
banishment. It is to Governor Winthrop, his friend and fellow-emigrant:--

"Honnored in the Lord,--

"Your silenc one more admirse me. I Youse chrischan playnnes. I know you
love it.... Silene can not reduce the hart of youer lovd brother: I would
the rightchous would smite me espechah youerslfe & the honnered Depoti to
whom I also dereckt this letter.... I would to God you would tender me
soule so as to youse playnnes with me. I wrot to you both but now answer: &
here I am dayli abused by malishous tongue. John Baker I here hath wrot to
the honnored depoti how as I was drouck & like to be cild & both falc, upon
okachon I delt with Wannerton for intrushon & finddmg them resolutli bent
to rout all gud a mong us & advanc there superstischous ways & by boystrous
words indeferd to fritten men to accomplish his end. & he abusing me to
my face, dru upon him with intent to corb his insolent & dastardli
sperrite.... Ister daye on Pickeren their Chorch Warden caim up to us with
intent to make some of ourse drone as is sospeckted but the Lord sofered
him so to misdemen himslfe as he is likli to li by the hielse this too
month.... My homble request is that you will be charitable of me.... Let
justies and merci be goyned.... You may plese to soggest youer will to this
barrer you will find him tracktabel."

My sense of drollery is always most keenly tickled when I read Underhill's
epistles, with their amazing and highly-varied letter concoctions, and
remember that he also--wrote a book. What that seventeenth-century printer
and proof-reader endured ere they presented his "edited" volume to the
public must have been beyond expression by words. It was a pretty good book
though, and in it, like many another man of his ilk, he tendered to his
much-injured wife loud and diffuse praise, ending with these sententious
words, "Let no man despise advice and counsel of his wife--though she be a
woman."

And yet, upon careful examination we find a method, a system, in
Underhill's orthography, or rather in his cacography. He thinks a final
tion should be spelt chon--and why not? "proposichon," "satisfackchon,"
"oblegachon," "persekuchon," "dereckchon," "himelyachon"--thus he spells
such words. And his plurals are plain when once you grasp his laws:
"poseschouse" and "considderachonse," "facktse," and "respecktse." And
his ly is alwajs li, "exacktli," "thorroli," "fidelliti," "charriti,"
"falsciti." And why is not "indiered," as good as 'endeared,' "pregedic,"
as 'prejudice,' "obstrucktter" as 'obstructer,' "pascheges," and
"prouydentt," and "antyentt," just as clear as our own way of spelling
these words? A "painful" speller you surely were, my gay Don Juan
Underbill, as your pedantic "writtingse" all show, and the most dramatic
and comic figure among all the early Puritans as well, though you scarcely
deserve to be called a Puritan; we might rather say of you, as of Malvolio,
"The devil a Puritan that he was, or anything constantly but a
time-pleaser ... his ground of faith that all who looked on him loved him."

In keen contrast to this sentimental excitement is the presence of noble
Judge Sewall, white-haired and benignant, standing up calmly in Boston
meeting, with dignified face and demeanor, but an aching and contrite
heart, to ask through the voice of his minister humble forgiveness of God
and man for his sad share as a judge in the unjust and awful condemnation
and cruel sentencing to death of the poor murdered victims of that terrible
delusion the Salem Witchcraft. Years of calm and unshrinking reflection, of
pleading and constant communion with God had brought to him an overwhelming
sense of his mistaken and over-influenced judgment, and a horror and
remorse for the fatal results of his error. Then, like the steadfast and
upright old Puritan that he was, he publicly acknowledged his terrible
mistake. It is one of the finest instances of true nobility of soul and of
absolute self-renunciation that the world affords. And the deep strain, the
sharp wrench of the step is made more apparent still by the fact of the
disapproval of his fellow-judges of his public confession and recantation.
The yearly entries in his diary, simply expressed yet deeply speaking,
entries of the prayerful fasts which he spent alone in his chamber when
the anniversary of the fatal judgment-day returned, show that no half-vain
bigotry, no emotional excitement filled and moved him to the open words of
remorse. The lesson of his repentance is farther reaching than he
dreamed, when the story of his confession can so move and affect this
nineteenth-century generation, and fill more than one soul with a nobler
idea of the Puritan nature, and with a higher and fuller conception of the
absolute truth of the Puritan Christianity.

Some very prosaic and earthly interruptions to the church services are
recorded as being made, and possibly by the church-members themselves. In
one church, in 1661, a fine of five shillings was imposed on any one "who
shot off a gun or led a horse into the meeting-house." These seem to me
quite as unseemly, irreverent, and disagreeable disturbances as shouting
out, Quaker-fashion, "Parson, your sermon is too long;" but possibly the
house of God was turned into a stable on week-days, not on the Sabbath.

In many parishes church-attendants were fined who brought their "doggs"
into the meeting-house. Dogs swarmed in the colony, for they had been
imported from England, "sufficient mastive dogs, hounds and beagles," and
also Irish wolf-hounds; and they caused an interruption in one afternoon
service by chasing into the meeting-house one of those pungently offensive,
though harmless, animals that abounded even in the earliest colonial
days, and whose mephitic odor, in this case, had power to scatter the
congregation as effectively as would have a score of armed Indian braves.
Officially appointed "Dogg-whippers" and the never idle tithingman expelled
the intruding and unwelcome canine attendants from the meeting-house with
fierce blows and fiercer yelps. The swarming dogs, though they were trained
to hunt the Indians and wolves and tear them in pieces, were much fonder of
hunting and tearing the peaceful sheep, and thus became such unmitigated
nuisances, out of meeting as well as in, that they had to be muzzled and
hobbled, and killed, and land was granted (as in Newbury in 1703) on
condition that no dog was ever kept thereon. As late as the year 1820, it
was ordered in the town of Brewster that any dog that came into meeting
should be killed unless the owner promised to thenceforth keep the intruder
out.

Alarms of fire in the neighborhood frequently disturbed the quiet of
the early colonial services; for the combustible catted chimneys were
a constant source of conflagration, especially on Sundays, when the
fireplaces with their roaring fires were left unwatched; and all the men
rushed out of the meeting at sound of the alarm to aid in quenching the
flames, which could however be ill-fought with the scanty supply of
water that could be brought in a few leathern fire-buckets and
milk-pails,--though at a very early date as an aid in extinguishing
fires each New England family was ordered by law to own a fire-ladder.
Occasionally the town's ladder and poles and hooks and cedar-buckets were
kept in the meeting-house, and thus were handy for Sunday fires.

Sometimes armed men, bearing rumors of wars and of hostile attacks, rode
clattering up to the church-door, and strode with jingling spurs and
rattling swords into the excited assembly with appeal for more soldiers to
bear arms, or for more help for those already in the army, and the whole
congregation felt it no interruption but a high religious privilege and
duty, to which they responded in word and deed. On some happy Sabbaths the
armed riders bore good news of great victories, and great was the rejoicing
thereat in prayer and praise in the old meeting-house.

But usually through the Sabbath services, though the quiet was not that
of our modern carpeted, cushioned, orderly churches, but few interrupting
sounds were heard. The cry of a waking infant, the scraping of restless
feet on the sanded floor, the lumbering noise of the motions of a cramped
farmer as he stood up to lean over the pew-door or gallery-rail, the
clatter of an overturned cricket, the twittering of swallows in the
rafters, and in the summer-time the bumping and buzzing of an invading
bumble-bee as he soared through the air and against the walls, were
the only sounds within the meeting-house that broke the monotonous
"thirteenthly" and "fourteenthly" of the minister's sermon.




XVII.

The Observances of the Day.



The so-called "False Blue Laws" of Connecticut, which were foisted upon the
public by the Reverend Samuel Peter, have caused much indignation among all
thoughtful descendants and all lovers of New England Puritans. Three of
his most bitterly resented false laws which refer to the observance of the
Sabbath read thus:--

"No one shall travel, cook victuals, make beds, sweep house, cut hair, or
shave on the Sabbath Day.

"No woman shall kiss her child on the Sabbath or fasting day.

"No one shall ride on the Sabbath Day, or walk in his garden or elsewhere
except reverently to and from meeting."

Though these laws were worded by Dr. Peters, and though we are disgusted to
hear them so often quoted as historical facts, still we must acknowledge
that though in detail not correct, they are in spirit true records of the
old Puritan laws which were enacted to enforce the strict and decorous
observance of the Sabbath, and which were valid not only in Connecticut and
Massachusetts, but in other New England States. Even a careless glance at
the historical record of any old town or church will give plenty of details
to prove this.

Thus in New London we find in the latter part of the seventeenth century a
wicked fisherman presented before the Court and fined for catching eels on
Sunday; another "fined twenty shillings for sailing a boat on the Lord's
Day;" while in 1670 two lovers, John Lewis and Sarah Chapman, were accused
of and tried for "sitting together on the Lord's Day under an apple tree in
Goodman Chapman's Orchard,"--so harmless and so natural an act. In Plymouth
a man was "sharply whipped" for shooting fowl on Sunday; another was fined
for carrying a grist of corn home on the Lord's Day, and the miller who
allowed him to take it was also fined. Elizabeth Eddy of the same town was
fined, in 1652, "ten shillings for wringing and hanging out clothes." A
Plymouth man, for attending to his tar-pits on the Sabbath, was set in the
stocks. James Watt, in 1658, was publicly reproved "for writing a note
about common business on the Lord's Day, _at least in the evening
somewhat too soon._" A Plymouth man who drove a yoke of oxen was
"presented" before the Court, as was also another offender, who drove some
cows a short distance "without need" on the Sabbath.

In Newbury, in 1646, Aquila Chase and his wife were presented and fined for
gathering peas from their garden on the Sabbath, but upon investigation the
fines were remitted, and the offenders were only admonished. In Wareham,
in 1772, William Estes acknowledged himself "Gilty of Racking Hay on the
Lord's Day" and was fined ten shillings; and in 1774 another Wareham
citizen, "for a breach of the Sabbath in puling apples," was fined five
shillings. A Dunstable soldier, for "wetting a piece of an old hat to put
in his shoe" to protect his foot--for doing this piece of heavy work on the
Lord's Day, was fined, and paid forty shillings.

Captain Kemble of Boston was in 1656 set for two hours in the public stocks
for his "lewd and unseemly behavior," which, consisted in his kissing his
wife "publicquely" on the Sabbath Day, upon the doorstep of his house, when
he had just returned from a voyage and absence of three years. The lewd
offender was a man of wealth and influence, the father of Madam Sarah
Knights, the "fearfull female travailler" whose diary of a journey from
Boston to New York and return, written in 1704, rivals in quality if not in
quantity Judge Sewall's much-quoted diary. A traveller named Burnaby tells
of a similar offence of an English sea-captain who was soundly whipped for
kissing his wife on the street of a New England town on Sunday, and of his
retaliation in kind, by a clever trick upon his chastisers; but Burnaby's
narrative always seemed to me of dubious credibility.

Abundant proof can be given that the act of the legislature in 1649 was not
a dead letter which ordered that "whosoever shall prophane the Lords daye
by doeing any seruill worke or such like abusses shall forfeite for euery
such default ten shillings or be whipt."

The Vermont "Blue Book" contained equally sharp "Sunday laws." Whoever was
guilty of any rude, profane, or unlawful conduct on the Lord's Day, in
words or action, by clamorous discourses, shouting, hallooing, screaming,
running, riding, dancing, jumping, was to be fined forty shillings and
whipped upon the naked back not to exceed ten stripes. The New Haven code
of laws, more severe still, ordered that "Profanation of the Lord's Day
shall be punished by fine, imprisonment, or corporeal punishment; and
if proudly, and with a high hand against the authority of God--_with
death_."

Lists of arrests and fines for walking and travelling unnecessarily on the
Sabbath might be given in great numbers, and it was specially ordered
that none should "ride violently to and from meeting." Many a pious New
Englander, in olden days, was fined for his ungodly pride, and his desire
to "show off" his "new colt" as he "rode violently" up to the meeting-house
green on Sabbath morn. One offender explained in excuse of his unnecessary
driving on the Sabbath that he had been to visit a sick relative, but
his excuse was not accepted. A Maine man who was rebuked and fined for
"unseemly walking" on the Lord's Day protested that he ran to save a man
from drowning. The Court made him pay his fine, but ordered that the money
should be returned to him when he could prove by witnesses that he had
been on that errand of mercy and duty. As late as the year 1831, in
Lebanon, Connecticut, a lady journeying to her father's home was arrested
within sight of her father's house for unnecessary travelling on the
Sabbath; and a long and fiercely contested lawsuit was the result, and
damages were finally given for false imprisonment. In 1720 Samuel Sabin
complained of himself before a justice in Norwich that he visited on
Sabbath night some relatives at a neighbor's house. His morbidly tender
conscience smote him and made him "fear he had transgressed the law,"
though he felt sure no harm had been done thereby. In 1659 Sam Clarke, for
"Hankering about on men's gates on Sabbath evening to draw company out
to him," was reproved and warned not to "harden his neck" and be "wholly
destrojed." Poor stiff-necked, lonely, "hankering" Sam! to be so harshly
reproved for his harmlessly sociable intents. Perhaps he "hankered" after
the Puritan maids, and if so, deserved his reproof and the threat of
annihilation.

Sabbath-breaking by visiting abounded in staid Worcester town to a most
base extent, but was severely punished, as local records show. In Belfast,
Maine, in 1776, a meeting was held to get the "Towns Mind" with regard to
a plan to restrain visiting on the Sabbath. The time had passed when such
offences could be punished either by fine or imprisonment, so it was voted
"that if any person makes unnecessary Vizits on the Sabeth, They shall be
Look't on with Contempt." This was the universal expression throughout the
Puritan colonies; and looked on with contempt are Sabbath-breakers and
Sabbath-slighters in New England to the present day. Even if they committed
no active offence, the colonists could not passively neglect the Church
and its duties. As late as 1774 the First Church of Roxbury fined
non-attendance at public worship. In 1651 Thomas Scott "was fyned ten
shillings unless he have learned Mr. Norton's 'Chatacise' by the next
court" In 1760 the legislature of Massachusetts passed the law that "any
person able of Body who shall absent themselves from publick worship of God
on the Lord's Day shall pay ten shillings fine." By the Connecticut code
ten shillings was the fine, and the law was not suspended until the year
1770. By the New Haven code five shillings was the fine for non-attendance
at church, and the offender was often punished as well. Captain Dennison,
one of New Haven's most popular and respected citizens, was fined fifteen
shillings for absence from church. William Blagden, who lived in New Haven
in 1647, was "brought up" for absence from meeting. He pleaded that he had
fallen into the water late on Saturday, could light no fire on Sunday to
dry his clothes, and so had lain in bed to keep warm while his only suit of
garments was drying. In spite of this seemingly fair excuse, Blagden was
found guilty of "sloathefuluess" and sentenced to be "publiquely whipped."
Of course the Quakers contributed liberally to the support of the Court,
and were fined in great numbers for refusing to attend the church which
they hated, and which also warmly abhorred them; and they were zealously
set in the stocks, and whipped and caged and pilloried as well,--whipped
if they came and expressed any dissatisfaction, and whipped if they stayed
away.

Severe and explicit were the orders with regard to the use of the "Creature
called Tobacko" on the Sabbath. In the very earliest days of the colony
means had been taken to present the planting of the pernicious weed
except in very small quantities "for meere necessitie, for phisick, for
preseruaceon of health, and that the same be taken privatly by auncient
men." In Connecticut a man could by permission of the law smoke once if
he went on a journey of ten miles (as some slight solace for the arduous
trip), but never more than once a day, and never in another man's house.
Let us hope that on their lonely journeys they conscientiously obeyed the
law, though we can but suspect that the one unsocial smoke may have been a
long one. In some communities the colonists could not plant tobacco, nor
buy it, nor sell it, but since they loved the fascinating weed then as men
love it now, they somehow invoked or spirited it into their pipes, though
they never could smoke it in public unfined and unpunished. The shrewd and
thrifty New Haven people permitted the raising of it for purposes of trade,
though not for use, thus supplying the "devil's weed" to others, chiefly
the godless Dutch, but piously spurning it themselves--in public. Its use
was absolutely forbidden under any circumstances on the Sabbath within two
miles of the meeting-house, which (since at that date all the homes were
clustered around the church-green) was equivalent to not smoking it at all
on the Lord's Day, if the lav were obeyed. But wicked backsliders existed,
poor slaves of habit, who were in Duxbury fined ten shillings for each
offence, and in Portsmouth, not only were fined, but to their shame be it
told, set as jail-birds in the Portsmouth cage. In Sandwich and in Boston
the fine for "drinking tobacco in the meeting-house" was five shillings for
each drink, which I take to mean chewing tobacco rather than smoking it;
many men were fined for thus drinking, and solacing the weary hours, though
doubtless they were as sly and kept themselves as unobserved as possible.
Four Yarmouth men--old sea-dogs, perhaps, who loved their pipe--were, in
1687, fined four shillings each for smoking tobacco around the end of the
meeting-house. Silly, ostrich-brained Yarmouth men! to fancy to escape
detection by hiding around the corner of the church; and to think that the
tithingman had no nose when he was so Argus-eyed. Some few of the ministers
used the "tobacco weed." Mr. Baily wrote with distress of mind and
abasement of soul in his diary of his "exceeding in tobacco." The hatred of
the public use of tobacco lingered long in New England, even in large towns
such as Providence, though chiefly on account of universal dread lest
sparks from the burning weed should start conflagrations in the towns.
Until within a few years, in small towns in western Massachusetts,
Easthampton and neighboring villages, tobacco-smoking on the street was not
permitted either on weekdays or Sundays.

Not content with strict observance of the Sabbathday alone, the Puritans
included Saturday evening in their holy day, and in the first colonial
years these instructions were given to Governor Endicott by the New England
Plantation Company: "And to the end that the Sabeth may be celebrated in
a religious man ner wee appoint that all may surcease their labor every
Satterday throughout the yeare at three of the clock in the afternoone, and
that they spend the rest of the day in chatechizing and preparacoon for
the Sabeth as the ministers shall direct." Cotton Mather wrote thus of his
grandfather, old John Cotton: "The Sabbath he begun the evening before, for
which keeping from evening to evening he wrote arguments before his coming
to New England, and I suppose 't was from his reason and practice that the
Christians of New England have generally done so too." He then tells of the
protracted religious services held in the Cotton household every Saturday
night,--services so long that the Sabbath-day exercises must have seemed in
comparison like a light interlude.

John Norton described these Cotton Sabbaths more briefly thus: "He [John
Cotton] began the Sabbath at evening; therefore then performed family-duty
after supper, being longer than ordinary in Exposition. After which he
catechized his children and servants and then returned unto his study. The
morning following, family-worship being ended, he retired into his study
until the bell called him away. Upon his return from meeting he returned
again into his study (the place of his labor and prayer) unto his private
devotion; where, having a small repast carried him up for his dinner, he
continued until the tolling of the bell. The public service being over, he
withdrew for a space to his pre-mentioned oratory for his sacred addresses
to God, as in the forenoon, then came down, _repeated the sermon in the
family_, prayed, after supper sang a Psalm, and towards bedtime betaking
himself again to his study he closed the day with prayer. Thus he spent the
Sabbath continually." Just fancy the Cotton children and servants listening
to his long afternoon sermon a second time!

All the New England clergymen were rigid in the prolonged observance of
Sunday. From sunset on Saturday until Sunday night they would not shave,
have rooms swept, nor beds made, have food prepared, nor cooking utensils
and table-ware washed. As soon as their Sabbath began they gathered their
families and servants around them, as did Cotton, and read the Bible and
exhorted and prayed and recited the catechism until nine o'clock, usually
by the light of one small "dip candle" only; on long winter Saturdays it
must have been gloomy and tedious indeed. Small wonder that one minister
wrote back to England that he found it difficult in the new colony to get a
servant who "_enjoyed catechizing and family duties_." Many clergymen
deplored sadly the custom which grew in later years of driving, and even
transacting business, on Saturday night. Mr. Bushnell used to call it
"stealing the time of the Sabbath," and refused to countenance it in any
way.

It was very generally believed in the early days of New England that
special judgments befell those who worked on the eve of the Sabbath.
Winthrop gives the case of a man who, having hired help to repair a
milldam, worked an hour on Saturday after sunset to finish what he had
intended for the day's labor. The next day his little child, being left
alone for some hours, was drowned in an uncovered well in the cellar of his
house. "The father freely, in open congregation, did acknowledge it the
righteous hand of God for his profaning his holy day."

Visitors and travellers from other countries were forced to obey the rigid
laws with regard to Saturday-night observance. Archibald Henderson, the
master of a vessel which entered the port of Boston, complained to the
Council for Foreign Plantations in London that while he was in sober Boston
town, being ignorant of the laws of the land, and having walked half an
hour after sunset on Saturday night, as punishment for this unintentional
and trivial offence, a constable entered his lodgings, seized him by the
hair of his head, and dragged him to prison. Henderson claimed £800 damages
for the detention of his vessel during his prosecution. I have always
suspected that the gay captain may have misbehaved himself in Boston
on that Saturday night in some other way than simply by walking in
the streets, and that the Puritan law-enforcers took advantage of the
Sabbath-day laws in order to prosecute and punish him. We know of
Bradford's complaint of the times; that while sailors brought "a greate
deale" of money from foreign parts to New England to spend, they also
brought evil ways of spending it--"more sine I feare than money."

The Puritans found in Scripture support for this observance of Saturday
night, in these words, "The evening and the morning were the first day,"
and they had many followers in their belief. In New England country towns
to this day, descendants of the Puritans regard Saturday night, though in
a modified way, as almost Sunday, and that evening is never chosen for any
kind of gay gathering or visiting. As late as 1855 the shops in Hartford
were never open for customers upon Saturday night.

Much satire was directed against this Saturday night observance both by
English and by American authors. In the "American Museum" for February,
1787, appeared a poem entitled, "The Connecticut Sabbath." After saying at
some length that God had thought one day in seven sufficient for rest, but
New England Christians had improved his law by setting apart a day and a
half, the poet thus runs on derisively:--

  "And let it be enacted further still
  That all our people strict observe our will;
  Five days and a half shall men, and women, too,
  Attend their bus'ness and their mirth pursue,
  But after that no man without a fine
  Shall walk the streets or at a tavern dine.
  One day and half 'tis requisite to rest
  From toilsome labor and a tempting feast.
  Henceforth let none on peril of their lives
  Attempt a journey or embrace their wives;
  No barber, foreign or domestic bred,
  Shall e'er presume to dress a lady's head;
  No shop shall spare (half the preceding day)
  A yard of riband or an ounce of tea."

And many similar rhymes might be given.

Sunday night, being shut out of the Sabbath hours, became in the eighteenth
century a time of general cheerfulness and often merry-making. This sudden
transition from the religious calm and quiet of the afternoon to the noisy
gayety of the evening was very trying to many of the clergymen, especially
to Jonathan Edwards, who preached often and sadly against "Sabbath evening
dissipations and mirth-making." In some communities singing-schools were
held on Sunday nights, which afforded a comparatively decorous and orderly
manner of spending the close of the day.

Sweet to the Pilgrims and to their descendants was the hush of their calm
Saturday night, and their still, tranquil Sabbath,--sign and token to them,
not only of the weekly rest ordained in the creation, but of the eternal
rest to come. The universal quiet and peace of the community showed the
primitive instinct of a pure, simple devotion, the sincere religion which
knew no compromise in spiritual things, no half-way obedience to God's
Word, but rested absolutely on the Lord's Day--as was commanded. No work,
no play, no idle strolling was known; no sign of human life or motion was
seen except the necessary care of the patient cattle and other dumb beasts,
the orderly and quiet going to and from the meeting, and at the nooning,
a visit to the churchyard to stand by the side of the silent dead. This
absolute obedience to the letter as well as to the spirit of God's Word
was one of the most typical traits of the character of the Puritans, and
appeared to them to be one of the most vital points of their religion.




XVIII.

The Authority of the Church and the Ministers.



Severely were the early colonists punished if they ventured to criticise
or disparage either the ministers or their teachings, or indeed any of the
religious exercises of the church. In Sandwich a man was publicly whipped
for speaking deridingly of God's words and ordinances as taught by the
Sandwich minister. Mistress Oliver was forced to stand in public with a
cleft stick on her tongue for "reproaching the elders." A New Haven man was
severely whipped and fined for declaring that he received no profit from
the minister's sermons. We also know the terrible shock given the Windham
church in 1729 by the "vile and slanderous expressions" of one unregenerate
Windhamite who said, "I had rather hear my dog bark than Mr. Bellamy
preach." He was warned that he would be "shakenoff and givenup," and
terrified at the prospect of so dire a fate he read a confession of his
sorrow and repentance, and promised to "keep a guard over his tongue," and
also to listen to Mr. Bellamy's preaching, which may have been a still more
difficult task. Mr. Edward Tomlins, of Boston, upon retracting his opinion
which he had expressed openly against the singing in the churches, was
discharged without a fine. William Howes and his son were in 1744 fined
fifty shillings "apeece for deriding such as sing in the congregation,
tearming them fooles." The church music was as sacred to the Puritans as
were the prayers, but it must have been a sore trial to many to keep still
about the vile manner and method of singing. In 1631 Phillip Ratcliffe,
for "speaking against the churches," had his ears cut off, was whipped and
banished. We know also the consternation caused in New Haven in 1646 by
Madam Brewster's saying that the custom of carrying contributions to
the Deacons' table was popish--was "like going to the High Alter,"
and "savored of the Mass." She answered her accusers in such a bold,
highhanded, and defiant manner that her heinous offence was considered
worthy of trial in a higher court, whose decision is now lost.

The colonists could not let their affection and zeal for an individual
minister cause them to show any disrespect or indifference to the Puritan
Church in general. When the question of the settlement of the Reverend Mr.
Lenthal in the church of Weymouth, Massachusetts, was under discussion, the
tyranny of the Puritan Church over any who dared oppose or question it was
shown in a marked manner, and may be cited as a typical case. Mr. Lenthal
was suspected of being poisoned with the Anne Hutchinson heresies, and he
also "opposed the way of gathering churches." Hence his ordination over the
church in the new settlement was bitterly opposed by the Boston divines,
though apparently desired by the Weymouth congregation. One Britton, who
was friendly towards Lenthal and who spoke "reproachfully" and slurringly
of a book which defended the course of the Boston churches, was whipped
with eleven stripes, as he had no money to pay the imposed fine. John
Smythe, who "got hands to a blank" (which was either canvassing for
signatures to a proxy vote in favor of Lenthal or obtaining signatures
to an instrument declaring against the design of the churches), for thus
"combining to hinder the orderly gathering" of the Weymouth church at this
time, was fined £2. Edward Sylvester for the same offence was fined and
disfranchised. Ambrose Martin, another friend of Lenthal's, for calling
the church covenant of the Boston divines "a stinking carrion and a human
invention," was fined £10, while Thomas Makepeace, another Weymouth
malcontent, was informed by those in power that "they were weary of him,"
or, in modern slang, that "he made them tired." Parson Lenthal himself,
being sent for by the convention, weakened at once in a way his church
followers must have bitterly despised; he was "quickly convinced of his
error and evil." His conviction was followed with his confession, and in
open court he gave under his hand a laudable retraction, which retraction
he was ordered also to "utter in the assembly at Weymouth, and so no
further censure was passed on him." Thus the chief offender got the
lightest punishment, and thus did the omnipotent Church rule the whole
community.

The names of loquacious, babbling Quakers and Baptists who spoke
disrespectfully of some or all of the ordinances of the Puritan church
might be given, and would swell the list indefinitely; they were fined and
punished without mercy or even toleration.

All profanity or blaspheming against God was severely punished. One very
wicked man in Hartford for his "fillthy and prophane expressions," namely,
that "hee hoped to meet some of the members of the Church in Hell before
long, and he did not question but hee should," was "committed to prison,
there to be kept in safe custody till the sermon, and then to stand the
time thereof in the pillory, and after sermon to be severely whipped." What
a severe punishment for so purely verbal an offence! New England ideas of
profanity were very rigid, and New England men had reason to guard well
their temper and tongue, else that latter member might be bored with a
hot iron; for such was the penalty for profanity. We know what horror Mr.
Tomlins's wicked profanity, "Curse ye woodchuck!" caused in Lynn meeting,
and Mr. Dexter was "putt in ye billboes ffor prophane saying dam ye cowe."
The Newbury doctor was sharply fined also for wickedly cursing. When
drinking at the tavern he raised his glass and said,--

  "I'll pledge my friends, and for my foes
  A plague for their heels, and a poxe for their toes."

He acknowledged his wickedness and foolishness in using the "olde proverb,"
and penitently promised to curse no more.

Sad to tell, Puritan women sometimes lost their temper and their
good-breeding and their godliness. Two wicked Wells women were punished in
1669 "for using profane speeches in their common talk; as in making answer
to several questions their answer is, The Devil a bit." In 1640, in
Springfield, Goody Gregory, being grievously angered, profanely abused an
annoying neighbor, saying, "Before God I coulde breake thy heade!" But she
acknowledged her "great sine and faulte" like a woman, and paid her fine
and sat in the stocks like a man, since she swore like the members of that
profane sex.

Sometimes the sins of the fathers were visited on the children in a most
extraordinary manner. One man, "for abusing N. Parker at the tavern," was
deprived of the privilege of bringing his children to be baptized, and was
thus spiritually punished for a very worldly offence. For some offences,
such as "speaking deridingly of the minister's powers," as was done in
Plymouth, "casting uncharitable reflexions on the minister," as did an
Andover man; and also for absenting one's self from church services; for
"sloathefulness," for "walking prophanely," for spoiling hides when tanning
and refusing explanation thereof; for selling short weight in grain,
for being "given too much to Jearings," for "Slanndering," for being a
"Makebayte," for "ronging naibors," for "being too Proude," for "suspitions
of stealing pinnes," for "pnishouse Squerilouse Odyouse wordes," and for
"lyeing," church-members were not only fined and punished but were deprived
of partaking of the sacrament. In the matter of lying great distinction was
made as to the character and effect of the offence. George Crispe's wife,
who "told a lie, not a pernicious lie, but unadvisedly," was simply
admonished and remonstrated with. Will Randall, who told a "plain lie," was
fined ten shillings. While Ralph Smith, who "lied about seeing a whale,"
was fined twenty shillings and excommunicated.

In some communities, of which Lechford tells us New Haven was one, these
unhouselled Puritans were allowed, if they so desired, to stand outside the
meeting-house door at the time of public worship and catch what few words
of the service they could. This humble waiting for crumbs of God's word was
doubtless regarded as a sign of repentance for past deeds, for it was often
followed by full forgiveness. As excommunicated persons were regarded with
high disfavor and even abhorrence by the entire pious and godly walking
community, this apparently spiritual punishment was more severe in its
temporal effects than at first sight appears. From the Cambridge Platform,
which was drawn up and adopted by the New England Synod in 1648, we learn
that "while the offender remains excommunicated the church is to refrain
from all communion with him in civil things," and the members were
specially "to forbear to eat and drink with him;" so his daily and even his
family life was made wretched. And as it was not necessary to wait for the
action of the church to pronounce excommunication, but the "pastor of a
church might by himself and authoritatively suspend from the Lord's table
a brother _suspected_ of scandal" until there was time for full
examination, we can see what an absolute power the church and even the
minister had over church-members in a New England community.

Nor could the poor excommunicate go to neighboring towns and settlements to
start afresh. No one wished him or would tolerate him. Lancaster, in 1653,
voted not to receive into its plantation "any excommunicat or notoriously
erring agt the Docktrin & Discipline of churches of this Commonwealth."
Other towns passed similar votes. Fortunately, Rhode Island--the island of
"Aquidnay" and the Providence Plantations--opened wide its arms as a place
of refuge for outcast Puritans. Universal freedom and religious toleration
were in Rhode Island the foundations of the State. Josiah Quincy said that
liberty of conscience would have produced anarchy if it had been permitted
in the New England Puritan settlements in the seventeenth century, but the
flourishing Narragansett, Providence, and Newport plantations seem to prove
the absurdity of that statement. Liberty of conscience was there allowed,
as Dr. MacSparran, the first clergyman of the Narragansett Church,
complained in his "America Dissected," "to the extent of no religion at
all." The Gortonians, the Foxians, and Hutchinsonians, the Anabaptists, the
Six Principle Baptists, the Church of England, apparently all the followers
of the eighty-two "pestilent heresies" so sadly enumerated and so bitterly
hated and "cast out to Satan" by the Massachusetts Puritan divines,--all
the excommunicants and exiles found in Rhode Island a home and
friends--other friends than the Devil to whom they had been consigned.

Though the early Puritan ministers had such powerful influence in every
other respect, they were not permitted to perform the marriage-service
nor to raise their voices in prayer or exhortation at a funeral. Sewall
jealously notes when the English burial-service began to be read at
burials, saying, "the office for Burial is a Lying very bad office makes no
difference between the precious and the vile." The office of marriage was
denied the parson, and was generally relegated to the magistrate. In this,
Governor Bradford states, they followed "ye laudable custome of ye Low
Countries." Not rulers and magistrates only were empowered to perform the
marriage ceremony; squires, tavern-keepers, captains, various authorized
persons might wed Puritan lovers; any man of dignity or prominence in the
community could apparently receive authority to perform that office except
the otherwise all-powerful parson.

As years rolled on, though the New Englanders still felt great reverence
and pride for their church and its ordinances, the minister was no longer
the just man made perfect, the oracle of divine will. The church-members
escaped somewhat from ecclesiastical power, and some of them found fault
with and openly disparaged their ministers in a way that would in early
days have caused them to be pilloried, whipped, caged, or fined; and often
the derogatory comments were elicited by the most trivial offences. One
parson was bitterly condemned because he managed to amass eight hundred
dollars by selling the produce of his farm. Another shocking and severely
criticised offence was a game of bowls which one minister played and
enjoyed. Still another minister, in Hanover, Massachusetts, was reproved
for his lack of dignity, which was shown in his wearing stockings "footed
up with another color;" that is, knit stockings in which the feet were
colored differently from the legs. He also was found guilty of having
jumped over the fence instead of decorously and clerically walking through
the gate when going to call on one of his parishioners. Rev. Joseph Metcalf
of the Old Colony was complained of in 1720 for wearing too worldly a wig.
He mildly reproved and shamed the meddlesome women of his church by asking
them to come to him and each cut off a lock of hair from the obnoxious
wig until all the complainers were satisfied that it had been rendered
sufficiently unworldly. Some Newbury church-members, in 1742, asserted that
their minister unclerically wore a colored kerchief instead of a band. This
he indignantly denied, saying that he "had never buried a babe even in most
tempestuous weather," when he rode several miles, but he always wore a
band, and he complained in turn that members of his congregation turned
away from him on the street, and "glowered" at him and "sneered at him."
Still more unseemly demonstrations of dislike were sometimes shown, as in
South Hadley, in 1741, when a committee of disaffected parishioners
pulled the Rev. Mr Rawsom out of the pulpit and marched him out of the
meeting-house because they did not fancy his preaching. But all such
actions were as offensive to the general community then as open expressions
of dissatisfaction and contempt are now.




XIX.

The Ordination of the Minister.



The minister's ordination was, of course, an important social as well as
spiritual event in such a religious community as was a New England colonial
town. It was always celebrated by a great gathering of people from far and
near, including all the ministers from every town for many miles around;
and though a deeply serious service, was also an excuse for much
merriment. In Connecticut, and by tradition also in Massachusetts, an
"ordination-ball" was frequently given. It is popularly supposed that at
this ball the ministers did not dance, nor even appear, nor to it in any
way give their countenance; that it was only a ball given at the time of
the ordination because so many people would then be in the town to take
part in the festivity. That this was not always the case is proved by
a letter of invitation still in existence written by Reverend Timothy
Edwards, who was ordained in Windsor in 1694; it was written to Mr. and
Mrs. Stoughton, asking them to attend the ordination-ball which was to be
given in his, the minister's house. But whether the parsons approved and
attended, or whether they strongly discountenanced it, the ordination-ball
was always a great success. It is recorded that at one in Danvers a young
man danced so vigorously and long on the sanded floor that he entirely wore
out a new pair of shoes. The fashion of giving ordination-balls did not die
out with colonial times. In Federal days it still continued, a specially
gay ball being given in the town of Wolcott at an ordination in 1811.

There was always given an ordination supper,--a plentiful feast, at which
visiting ministers and the new pastor were always present and partook with
true clerical appetite. This ordination feast consisted of all kinds of New
England fare, all the mysterious compounds and concoctions of Indian corn
and "pompions," all sorts of roast meats, "turces" cooked in various ways,
gingerbread and "cacks," and--an inevitable feature at the time of every
gathering of people, from a corn-husking or apple-bee to a funeral--a
liberal amount of cider, punch, and grog was also supplied, which latter
compound beverages were often mixed on the meeting-house green or even in
punch-bowls on the very door-steps of the church. Beer, too, was specially
brewed to honor the feast. Rev. Mr. Thatcher, of Boston, wrote in his diary
on the twentieth of May, 1681, "This daye the Ordination Beare was brewed."
Portable bars were sometimes established at the church-door, and strong
drinks were distributed free of charge to the entire assemblage. As late
as 1825, at the installation of Dr. Leonard Bacon over the First
Congregational Church in New Haven, free drinks were furnished at an
adjacent bar to all who chose to order them, and were "settled for" by the
generous and hospitable society. In considering the extravagant amount of
moneys often recorded as having been paid out for liquor at ordinations,
one must not fail to remember that the seemingly large sums were often
spent in Revolutionary times during the great depreciation of Continental
money. Six hundred and sixty-six dollars were disbursed for the
entertainment of the council at the ordination of Mr. Kilbourn, of
Chesterfield; but the items were really few and the total amount of liquor
was not great,--thirty-eight mugs of flip at twelve dollars per mug; eleven
gills of rum bitters at six dollars per gill, and two mugs of sling at
twenty-four dollars per mug. The church in one town sent the Continental
money in payment for the drinks of the church-council in a wheelbarrow to
the tavern-keeper, and he was not very well paid either.

It gives one a strange sense of the customs and habits of the olden times
to read an "ordination-bill" from a tavern-keeper which is thus endorsed,
"This all Paid for exsept the Minister's Rum." To give some idea of the
expense of "keeping the ministers" at an ordination in Hartford in 1784,
let me give the items of the bill:--

                          £  s. d.
  To keeping Ministers    0  2  4
  2 Mugs tody             0  5 10
  5 Segars                0  3  0
  1 Pint wine             0  0  9
  3 lodgings              0  9  0
  3 bitters               0  0  9
  3 breakfasts            0  3  6
  15 boles Punch          1 10  0
  24 dinners              1 16  0
  11 bottles wine         0  3  6
  5 mugs flip             0  5 10
  3 boles punch           0  6  0
  3 boles tody            0  3  6

One might say with Falstaff, "O monstrous! but one half-pennyworth of bread
to this intolerable deal of sack!" I sadly fear me that at that Hartford
ordination our parson ancestors got grievsously "gilded," to use a choice
"red-lattice phrase."

Many accounts of gay ordination parties have been preserved in diaries for
us. Reverend Mr. Smith, who was settled in Portland in the early part of
the eighteenth century, wrote thus in his journal of an ordination which
he attended: "Mr. Foxcroft ordained at New Gloucester. We had a pleasant
journey home. Mr. L. was alert and kept us all merry. A _jolly ordination_.
We lost all sight of decorum." The Mr. L. referred to was Mr. Stephen
Longfellow, greatgrandfather of the poet.

Bills for ordination-expenses abound in items of barrels of rum and cider
and metheglin, of bowls of flip and punch and toddy, of boxes of lemons and
loaves of sugar, in punches, and sometimes broken punchbowls, and in one
case a large amount of Malaga and Canary wine, spices and "ross water,"
from which was brewed doubtless an appetizing ordination-cup which may have
rivalled Josselyn's New England nectar of "cyder, Maligo raisins, spices,
and sirup of clove-gillyflowers."

In Massachusetts, in January, 1759, the subject of the frequent disorders
and irregularities in connection with ordination-services, especially in
country towns, came before the council of the province, who referred
its consideration to a convention of ministers. The ministers at that
convention were recommended to each give instruction, exhortation, and
advice against excesses to the members of his congregation whenever an
ordination was about to take place in the vicinity of his church. In this
way it was hoped that the reformation would be aided, and temperance,
order, and decorum established. The newspapers were free in their
condemnation of the feasting and roistering at ordination-services. When
Dr. Cummings was ordained over the Old South Church of Boston in February,
1761, a feast took place at the Rev. Dr. Sewall's house which occasioned
much comment. A four-column letter of criticism appeared in the Boston
Gazette of March 9, 1761, over the signature of "Countryman," which
provoked several answers and much newspaper controversy. As Dr. Sewall had
been moderator of the meeting of ministers held only two years previously
with the hope, and for the purpose of abolishing ordination revelries, it
is not strange that the circumstance of the feast being given in his house
should cause public comment and criticism.

"Countryman" complained that "the price of provisions was raised a quarter
cart in Boston for several days before the instalment by reason of the
great preparations therefor, and the readiness of the ecclesiastical
caterers to give almost any price that was demanded. Many Boston people
complained the town had, by this means, in a few days lost a large sum of
money; which was, as it were, levied on and extorted from them. If the
poor were the _better for what remained of so plentiful and splendid a
feast_ I am very glad but yet think it is a pity the charity were not
better timed." He reprovingly enumerates, "There were six tables that held
one with another eighteen persons each, upon each table a good rich plumb
pudding, a dish of boil'd pork and fowls, and a corn'd leg of pork with
sauce proper for it, a leg of bacon, a piece of alamode beef, a leg of
mutton with caper sauce, a roast line of veal, a roast turkey, a venison
pastee, besides chess cakes and tarts, cheese and butter. Half a dozen
cooks were employed upon this occasion, upwards of twenty tenders to wait
upon the tables; they had the best of old cyder, one barrel of Lisbon wine,
punch in plenty before and after dinner, made of old Barbados spirit. The
cost of this moderate dinner was upwards of fifty pounds lawful money."
This special ordination-feast, even as detailed by the complaining
"Countryman," does not seem to me very reprehensible. The standing of the
church, the wealth of the congregation, the character of the guests (among
whom were the Governor and the judges of the Superior Court) all make
this repast appear neither ostentatious nor extravagant. Fifty pounds was
certainly not an enormous sum to spend for a dinner with wine for over one
hundred persons, and such a good dinner too. Nor is it probable that a city
as large as was Boston at that date could through that dinner have been
swept of provisions to such an extent that prices would be raised a quarter
part. I suspect some personal malice caused "Countryman's" attacks, for he
certainly could have found in other towns more flagrant cases to complain
of and condemn.

Though no record exists to prove that "the poor were the better for
what remained" after this Boston feast, in other towns letters
and church-entries show that any fragments remaining after the
ordination-dinner were well disposed of. Sometimes they furnished forth the
new minister's table. In one case they were given to "a widowed family"
("widowed" here being used in the old tender sense of bereaved). In
Killingly "the overplush of provisions" was sold to help pay the arrearages
of the salary of the outgoing minister, thus showing a laudable desire to
"settle up and start square."

If the church were dedicated at the time of the ordination, that would
naturally be cause for additional gayety. A very interesting and graphic
account of the feast at the dedication of the Old Tunnel Meeting-House of
Lynn in the year 1682 has been preserved. It thus describes the scene:--

"Ye Deddication Dinner was had in ye greate barne of Mr. Hoode which by
reason of its goodly size was deemed ye most fit place. It was neatly
adorned with green bows and other hangings and made very faire to look
upon, ye wreaths being mostly wrought by ye young folk, they meeting
together, both maides and young men, and having a merry time in doing ye
work. Ye rough stalls and unbowed posts being gaily begirt and all ye
corners and cubbies being clean swept and well aired, it truly did appear
a meet banquetting hall. Ye scaffolds too from which ye provinder had been
removed were swept cleane as broome could make them. Some seats were put up
on ye scaffoldes whereon might sitt such of ye antient women as would see &
ye maides and children. Ye greate floor was all held for ye company which
was to partake of ye feast of fat things, none others being admitted there
save them that were to wait upon ye same. Ye kine that were wont to be
there were forced to keep holiday in the field."

Then follows a minute account of how the fowls persisted in flying in
and roosting over the table, scattering feathers and hay on the parsons
beneath.

"Mr. Shepard's face did turn very red and he catched up an apple and hurled
it at ye birds. But he thereby made a bad matter worse for ye fruit being
well aimed it hit ye legs of a fowl and brought him floundering and
flopping down on ye table, scattering gravy, sauce and divers things upon
our garments and in our faces. But this did not well please some, yet with
most it was a happening that made great merryment. Dainty meats were on ye
table in great plenty, bear-stake, deer-meat, rabbit, and fowle, both wild
and from ye barnyard. Luscious puddings we likewise had in abundance,
mostly apple and berry, but some of corn meal with small bits of sewet
baked therein; also pyes and tarts. We had some pleasant fruits, as apples,
nuts and wild grapes, and to crown all, we had plenty of good cider and ye
inspiring Barbadoes drink. Mr. Shepard and most of ye ministers were
grave and prudent at table, discoursing much upon ye great points of ye
deddication sermon and in silence laboring upon ye food before them. But I
will not risque to say on which they dwelt with most relish, ye discourse
or ye dinner. Most of ye young members of ye Council would fain make a
jolly time of it. Mr. Gerrish, ye Wenham minister, tho prudent in his
meat and drinks, was yet in right merry mood. And he did once grievously
scandalize Mr. Shepard, who on suddenly looking up from his dish did spy
him, as he thot, winking in an unbecoming way to one of ye pretty damsels
on ye scaffold. And thereupon bidding ye godly Mr. Rogers to labor with him
aside for his misbehavior, it turned out that ye winking was occasioned by
some of ye hay seeds that were blowing about, lodging in his eye; whereat
Mr. Shepard felt greatly releaved.

"Ye new Meeting house was much discoursed upon at ye table. And most thot
it as comely a house of worship as can be found in the whole Collony save
only three or four. Mr. Gerrish was in such merry mood that he kept ye end
of ye table whereby he sat in right jovial humour. Some did loudly laugh
and clap their hands. But in ye middest of ye merryment a strange disaster
did happen unto him. Not having his thots about him he endeavored ye
dangerous performance of gaping and laughing at the same time which he must
now feel is not so easy or safe a thing. In doing this he set his jaws open
in such wise that it was beyond all his power to bring them together again.
His agonie was very great, and his joyful laugh soon turned to grievous
gioaning. Ye women in ye scaffolds became much distressed for him. We did
our utmost to stay ye anguish of Mr. Gerrish, but could make out little
till Mr. Rogers who knoweth somewhat of anatomy did bid ye sufferer to sit
down on ye floor, which being done Mr. Rogers took ye head atween his legs,
turning ye face as much upward as possible and then gave a powerful blow
and then sudden press which brot ye jaws into working order. But Mr.
Geirish did not gape or laugh much more on that occasion, neither did he
talk much for that matter.

"No other weighty mishap occurred save that one of ye Salem delegates, in
boastfully essaying to crack a walnut atween his teeth did crack, instead
of ye nut, a most usefull double tooth and was thereby forced to appear at
ye evening with a bandaged face."

This ended this most amusing chapter of disasters to the ministers, though
the banquet was diversified by interrupting crows from invading roosters,
fierce and undignified counter-attacks with nuts and apples by the
clergymen, a few mortifyingly "mawdlin songs and much roistering laughter,"
and the account ends, "so noble and savoury a banquet was never before
spread in this noble town, God be praised." What a picture of the good old
times! Different times make different manners; the early Puritan ministers
did not, as a rule, drink to excess, any more than do our modern clergymen;
but it is not strange that though they were of Puritan blood and belief,
they should have fallen into the universal custom of the day, and should
have "gone to their graves full of years, honor, simplicity, and rum." The
only wonder is, when the ministers had the best places at every table, at
every feast, at every merry-making in New England, that stories of their
roistering excesses should not have come down to us as there have of the
intemperate clergy of Virginia.

The ordination services within the meeting-houses were not always decorous
and quiet scenes. In spite of the reverence which our forefathers had for
their church and their ministers, it did not prevent them from bitterly
opposing the settlement of an unwished-for clergyman over them, and many
towns were racked and divided, then as now, over the important question.
As years passed on the church members grew bold enough to dare to offer
personal and bodily opposition. At the ordination of the Rev. Peter
Thatcher in the New North Church in Boston, in 1720, there were two
parties. The members who did not wish him to be settled over the church
went into the meeting-house and made a great disorder and clamor. They
forbade the proceedings, and went into the gallery, and threw from thence
water and missiles on the friends of the clergymen who were gathered around
him at the altar. Perhaps they obtained courage for these sacrilegious acts
from the barrels of rum and the bowls of strong punch. And this was in
Puritanical Boston, in the year of the hundredth anniversary of the landing
of the Mayflower. Thus had one century changed the absolute reverence and
affectionate regard of the Pilgrims for their church, their ministers,
and their meeting-houses, to irreverent and obstinate desire for personal
satisfaction. No wonder that the ministers at that date preached and
believed that Satan was making fresh and increasing efforts to destroy the
Puritan church. The hour was ready for Whitefield, for Edwards, for any
new awakening; and was above all fast approaching for the sadly needed
temperance reform.

In the seventeenth century a minister was ordained and re-ordained at
each church over which he had charge; but after some years the name of
installation was given to each appointment after the first ordination, and
the ceremony was correspondingly changed.




XX.

The Ministers.



The picture which Colonel Higginson has drawn of the Puritan minister is so
well known and so graphic that any attempt to add to it would be futile.
All the succeeding New England parsons, as years rolled by, were not,
however, like the black-gowned, black-gloved, stately, and solemn man whom
he has so clearly shown us. Men of rigid decorum, and grave ceremony there
were, such as Dr. Emmons and Jonathan Edwards; but there were parsons also
of another type,--eccentric, unconventional, and undignified in demeanor
and dress. Parson Robinson, of Duxbury, persisted in wearing in the pulpit,
as part of his clerical attire, a round jacket instead of the suitable
gown or Geneva cloak, and he was known thereby as "Master Jack." With
astonishing inconsistency this Master Jack objected to the village
blacksmith's wearing his leathern apron into the church, and he assailed
the offender again and again with words and hints from his pulpit. He was
at last worsted by the grimaces of the victorious smith (where was the
Duxbury tithingman?), and indignantly left the pulpit, ejaculating, "I'll
not preach while that man sits before me." A remonstrating parishioner
said afterward to Master Jack, "I'd not have left if the Devil sat there."
"Neither would I", was the quick answer.

Another singular article of attire was worn in the pulpit by Father Mills,
of Torrington, though neither in irreverence nor indifference. When his
dearly loved wife died he pondered how he, who always wore black, could
express to the world that he was wearing mourning; and his simple heart hit
upon this grotesque device: he left off his full-flowing wig, and tied
up his head in a black silk handkerchief, which he wore thereafter as a
trapping of woe.

Parson Judson, of Taunton, was so lazy that he used to preach while sitting
down in the pulpit; and was so contemptibly fond of comfort that he would
on summer Sundays give out to the sweltering members of his congregation
the longest psalm in the psalm-book, and then desert them--piously
perspiring and fuguing--and lie under a tree enjoying the cool outdoor
breezes until the long psalm was ended, escaping thus not only the heat but
the singing; and when we consider the quantity and quality of both, and
that he condemned his good people to an extra amount of each, it seems
a piece of clerical inhumanity that would be hard to equal. Surely this
selfish Taunton sybarite was the prosaic ideal of Hamlet's words:--

  "Some ungracious pastors do
  Show me the steep and thorny way to Heaven,
  Whilst like a puff'd and reckless libertine
  Himself the primrose path of dalliance treads,
  And recks not his own rede."

But lazy and slothful ministers were fortunately rare in New England. No
primrose path of dalliance was theirs; industrious and hard-working were
nearly all the early parsons, preaching and praying twice on the Sabbath,
and preaching again on Lecture days; visiting the sick and often giving
medical and "chyrurgycal" advice; called upon for legal counsel and
adjudication; occupied in spare moments in teaching and preparing young
men for college; working on their farms; hearing the children say their
catechism; fasting and praying long, weary hours in their own study,--truly
they were "pious and painful preachers," as Colonel Higginson saw recorded
on a gravestone in Watertown. Though I suspect "painful" in the Puritan
vocabulary meant "painstaking," did it not? Cotton Mather called John
Fiske, of Chelmsford, a "plaine but able painful and useful preacher,"
while President Dunster, of Harvard College, was described by a
contemporary divine as "pious painful and fit to teach." Other curious
epithets and descriptions were applied to the parsons; they were called
"holy-heavenly," "sweet-affecting," "soul-ravishing," "heaven-piercing,"
"angel-rivalling," "subtil," "irrefragable," "angelical," "septemfluous,"
"holy-savoured," "princely," "soul-appetizing," "full of antic tastes"
(meaning having the tastes of an antiquary), "God-bearing." Of two of the
New England saints it was written:--

  "Thier Temper far from Injucundity,
  Thier tongues and pens from Infecundity."

Many other fulsome, turgid, and even whimsical expressious of praise might
be named, for the Puritans were rich in classic sesquipedalian adjectives,
and their active linguistic consciences made them equally fertile in
producing new ones.

Ready and unexpected were the solemn Puritans in repartee. A party of gay
young sparks, meeting austere old John Cotton, determined to guy him. One
of the young reprobates sent up to him and whispered in his ear, "Cotton,
thou art an old fool." "I am, I am," was the unexpected answer; "the Lord
make both thee and me wiser than we are." Two young men of like intent met
Mr. Haynes, of Vermont, and said with mock sad faces, "Have you heard the
news? the Devil is dead." Quick came the answer, "Oh, poor, fatherless
children! what will become of you?"

Gloomy and depressed of spirits they were often. The good Warham, who could
take faithful and brave charge of his flock in the uncivilized wilds
of Connecticut among ferocious savages, was tortured by doubts and
"blasphemous suggestions," and overwhelmed by unbelief, enduring specially
agonizing scruples about administering and partaking of the Lord's Supper,
and was thus perplexed and buffeted until the hour of his sad death. The
ministers went through various stages of uncertainty and gloom, from the
physical terror of Dr. Cogswell in a thunderstorm, through vacillating and
harassing convictions about the Half Way Covenant, through doubt of God,
of salvation, of heaven, of eternite, particularly distressing suspicions
about the reality of hell and the personality of the Devil, to the stage
of deep melancholy which was shown in its highest type in "Handkerchief
Moody," who preached and prayed and always appeared in public with a
handkerchief over his face, and gave to Hawthorne the inspiration for his
story of "The Black Veil." Rev. Mr. Bradstreet, of the First Church of
Charlestown, was so hypochondriacal that he was afraid to preach in the
pulpit, feeling sure that he would die if he entered therein; so he always
delivered his sermons to his patient congregation from the deacons' pew.
Mr. Bradstreet was unconventional in many other respects, and was far from
being a typical Puritan minister. He seldom wore a coat, but generally
appeared in a plaid gown, and was always seen with a pipe in his mouth,--a
most disreputable addition to the clerical toilet at that date, or, in
truth, at any date. He was a learned and pious man, however, and was thus
introduced to a fellow clergyman, "Here is a man who can whistle Greek."

Scarcely one of the early Puritan ministers was free from the sad shadow of
doubt and fear. No "rose-pink or dirty-drab views of humanity" were theirs;
all was inky-black. And it is impossible to express the gloom and the
depression of spirit which fall on one now, after these centuries of
prosperous and cheerful years, when one considers thoughtfully the deep and
despairing agony of mind endured by these good, brave, steadfast, godly
Puritan ministers. Read, for instance, the sentences from the diary of the
Rev. John Baily, or of Nathaniel Mather, as given by Cotton Mather in his
"Magnalia." Mather says that poor, sad, heart-sick Baily was filled with
"desponding jealousies," "disconsolate uneasinesses," gloomy fears, and
thinks the words from his diary "may be profitable to some discouraged
minds." Profitable! Ah, no; far from it! The overwhelming blackness
of despair, the woful doubts and fears about destruction and utter
annihilation which he felt so deeply and so continually, fall in a heavy,
impenetrable cloud upon us as we read, until we feel that we too are in the
"Suburbs of hell" and are "eternally damned."

But in succeeding years they were not always gloomy and not always staid,
as we know from the stories of the cheerful parties at ordination-times;
and I doubt not the reverend Assembly of Elders at Cambridge enjoyed to the
full degree the twelve gallons of sack and six gallons of white wine sent
to them by the Court as a testimony of deep respect. And the group of
clergymen who were painted over the mantelpiece of Parson Lowell, of
Newbury, must have been far from gloom, as the punch-bowl and drinking-cups
and tobacco and pipes would testify, and their cheerful motto likewise: "In
essentials unity, in non-essentials liberty, in all things charity." And
the Rev. Mr. ---- no, I will not tell his name--kept an account with
one Jerome Ripley, a storekeeper, and on one page of this account-book,
containing thirty-nine entries, twenty-one were for New England rum.
It somewhat lessens in our notions the personal responsibility, or the
personal potatory capability of the parson, to discover that there was
an ordination in town during that rum-paged week, and that the visiting
ministers probably drank the greater portion of Jerome Ripley's liquor.
But I wish the store-keeper had--to save this parson's reputation among
succeeding generations--called and entered the rum as hay, or tea, or
nails, or anything innocent and virtuous and clerical. When we read of all
these doings and drinkings of the old New England ministers,--"if ancient
tales say true, nor wrong these ancient men"--we feel that we cannot so
fiercely resent nor wonder at the degrading coupling in Byron's sneering
lines:--

  "There's naught, no doubt, so much the spirit calms,
  As rum and true religion."

All the cider made by the New England elders did not tend to gloom,
and they were celebrated for their fine cider. The best cider in
Massachusetts--that which brought the highest price--was known as the
Arminian cider, because the minister who furnished it to the market was
suspected of having Arminian tendencies. A very telling compliment to the
cider of one of the first New England ministers is thus recorded: "Mr.
Whiting had a score of appill-trees from which he made delicious cyder.
And it hath been said yt an Indyan once coming to hys house and Mistress
Whiting giving him a drink of ye cyder, he did sett down ye pot and smaking
his lips say yt Adam and Eve were rightlie damned for eating ye appills in
ye garden of Eden, they should have made them into cyder." This perverse
application of good John Eliot's teaching would have vexed the apostle
sorely. Of so much account were the barrels of cider, and so highly were
they prized by the ministers, that one honest soul did not hesitate to
thank the Lord in the pulpit for the "many barrels of cider vouchsafed to
us this year."

Stronger liquors than cider were also manufactured by the ministers,--and
by God-fearing, pious ministers also. They did not hesitate to own and
operate distilleries. Rev. Nathan Strong, pastor of the First Church of
Hartford and author of the hymn "Swell the anthem, raise the song," was
engaged in the distilling business and did not make a success of it either.
Having become bankrupt, he did not dare show his head anywhere in public
for some time, except on Sunday, for fear of arrest. This disreputable and
most unclerical affair did not operate against him in the minds of the
contemporaneous public, for ten years later he received the degree of
Doctor of Divinity from Princeton College; and he did not hesitate to joke
about his liquor manufacturing, saying to two of his brother-clergymen,
"Oh, we are all three in the same boat together,--Brother Prime raises the
grain, I distil it, and Brother Flint drinks it."

Impostors there were--false parsons--in the early struggling days of New
England (since "the devil was never weary and never ceasing in disturbing
the peace of the new English church"), and they plagued the colonists
sorely. The very first shepherd of the wandering flock--Mr. Lyford, who
preached to the planters in 1624--was, as Bradford says, "most unsavory
salt," a most agonizing and unbearable thorn in the flesh and spirit of the
poor homesick Pilgrims; and he was finally banished to Virginia, where it
was supposed that he would find congenial and un-Puritanlike companions.
Another bold-faced cheat preached to the colonists a most impressive sermon
on the text, "Let him that stole steal no more," while his own pockets were
stuffed out with stolen money. "Out of the fulness of the heart the mouth
speaketh."

Dicky Swayn, "after a thousand rogueries," set up as a parson in Boston.
But, unfortunately for him, he prayed too loud and too long on one
occasion, and his prayer attracted the attention of a woman whose servant
he had formerly been. She promptly exposed his false pretensions and past
villanies, and he left Boston and an army of cheated creditors. In 1699
two other attractive and plausible scamps--Kingsbury and May--garbed and
curried themselves as ministers, and went through a course of unchecked
villany, building only on their agreeable presence. Cotton Mather wrote
pertinently of one of these charmers, "Fascination is a thing whereof
mankind has more Experience than Comprehension;" and he also wrote very
despitefully of the adventurer's scholarly attainments saying there were
"eighteen horrid false spells and not one point in one very short note I
received from him." As the population increased, so also did the list of
dishonest impostors, who made a cloak of religion most effectively to
aid them in deceiving the religious community; and sometimes, alas! the
ordained clergymen became sad backsliders.

Nor were the pious and godly Puritan divines above the follies and
frailties of other men in other places and in other times. It can be said
of them, as of the Jew, had they not "eyes, hands, organs, dimensions,
senses, affections, passions?"--were they not as other men? It is recorded
of Rev. Samuel Whiting, of Lynn, that "once coming among a gay partie of
yong people he kist all ye maides and said yt he felt all ye better for
it." And who can doubt it? Even that extreme type, that highest pinnacle
of American Puritanical bigotry,--solemn and learned Cotton Mather,--had,
when he was a mourning widower, a most amusing amorous episode with a
rather doubtful, a decidedly shady, young Boston woman, whom he styled an
"Ingenious Child," but who was far from being an ingenuous child. "She," as
he proudly stated, "became charmed with my person to such a degree that she
could not but break in upon me with her most importunate requests." And a
very handsome and thoroughly attractive person does his portrait show
even to modern eyes. Poor Cotton resisted the wiles of the devil in this
alluring form, though he had to fast and pray three consecutive nights ere
the strong Puritan spirit conquered the weak flesh, and he could consent
and resolve to give up the thought of marrying the siren. His self-denial
and firmness deserved a better reward than the very trying matrimonial
"venture" that he afterwards made.

Many another Puritan parson has left record of his wooings that are warm
to read. And well did the parsons' wives deserve their ardent wooings and
their tender love-letters. Hard as was the minister's life, over-filled as
was his time, highly taxed as were his resources, all these hardships were
felt in double proportion by the minister's wife. The old Hebrew standard
of praise quoted by Cotton Mather, "A woman worthy to be the wife of a
priest," was keenly epigrammatic; and ample proof of the wise insight
of the standard of comparison may be found in the lives of "the pious,
prudent, and prayerful" wives of New England ministers. What wonder that
their praises were sung in many loving though halting threnodies, in
long-winded but tender eulogies, in labored anagrams, in quaintly spelled
epitaphs?--for the ministers' wives were the saints of the Puritan
calendar.




XXI.

The Ministers' Pay.



The salaries of New England clergymen were not large in early days, but the
£60 or £70 which they each were yearly voted was quite enough to suitably
support them in that new country of plain ways and plain living, if they
only received it, which was, alas! not always the case. The First Court of
Massachusetts, in 1630, set the amount of the minister's annual stipend
to be £20 or £30 according to the wealth of the community, and made it a
public charge. In 1659 the highest salary paid in Suffolk County was £100
to Mr. Thatcher, and the lowest was £40 to the clergyman at Hull. The
minister of the Andover church was voted a salary of £60, and "when he
shall have occacion to marry, £10 more." He was very glad, however, to take
£42 in hard cash instead of £60 in corn and labor, which were at that time
the most popular forms of ministerial remuneration; even though the "hard
cash" were in the form of wampum, beaver-skins, or leaden bullets.

Many congregations, though the members were so pious and godly, were pretty
sharp in bargaining with their preachers; for instance, the church in New
London made its new parson sign a contract that "in case he remove before
the year is out, he returneth the £80 paid him." Often clergymen would
"supply" (or "Sipploye," or "syploy" or "sipply," or "sciploy," as various
records have it) from month to mouth without "settling." As they got the
"keepe of a hors," and their own board for Saturday and Sunday, and on
Monday morning a cash payment for preaching (though often the amount was
only twelve shillings), they were richer than with a small yearly salary
that was irregularly and inconveniently paid. Often too they entered by
preference into a yearly contract with a church, without any wish for
regular settlement or ordination.

A large portion of the stipends in early parishes being paid in corn and
labor, the amounts were established by fixed rate upon the inhabitants;
and the amount of land owned and cultivated by each church-member was
considered in reckoning his assessment. These amounts were called voluntary
contributions. If, however, any citizen refused to "contribute," he
was taxed; and if he refused to pay his church-tax he could be fined,
imprisoned, or pilloried. For one hundred years the ministers' salaries
in Boston were paid by these so-called "voluntary contributions." In one
church it was voted that "the Deacons have liberty for a quarter of a yeare
to git in every mans sume either in a Church way or in a Christian way."
I would the process employed in the "Church way" were recorded, since it
differed so from the Christian way.

It is one of the Puritan paradoxes that abounded in New England, that the
community of New Haven, a "State whose Desire was Religion," and religion
alone, was particularly backward in paying the minister who had spiritual
charge there. After much trouble in deciding about the form and quality
of the currency which should be used in pay, since so much bad wampum was
thrust upon the deacons at the public contributions, it was in 1651 enacted
that "whereas it is taken notice of that Divers give not into the Treasury
at all on the Lords Day, it is decreed that all such if they give not
freely, of themselves be rated according to the Jurisdiction order for the
Ministers Maintaynance." The delinquents were ordered to bring their "rate"
to the Deacon's house at once. A presuming young man ventured to suggest
that the recreant members who would not pay in the face of the whole
congregation would hardly rush to the Deacon's door to give in their
"rate." He was severely ordered to keep silence in the company of wiser and
elder people; but time proved his simply wise supposition to be correct;
and many and various were the devices and forces which the deacons were
obliged to use to obtain the minister's rate in New Haven.

Some few bold Puritan souls dared to protest against being forced to pay
the church rate whether they wished to or not. Lieutenant Fuller, of
Barnstable, was fined fifty shillings for "prophanely" saying "that the law
enacted about the ministers maintenance was a wicked and devilish one, and
that the devil sat at the helm when the law was made." Such courageous
though profane expressions of revolt but little availed; for not only
were members and attendants of the Puritan churches taxed, but Quakers,
Baptists, and Church-of-England men were also "rated," and if they refused
to pay to help support the church that they abhorred, they were fined and
imprisoned. One man, of Watertown, named Briscoe, dared to write a book
against the violent enforcement of "voluntary" subscriptions. He was fined
£10 for his wickedness; and the printer of the book was also punished. A
virago in New London, more openly courageous, threw scalding water on the
head of the tithingman who came to collect the minister's rate. Old John
Cotton preached long and earnestly upon the necessity and propriety of
raising the money for the minister's salary, and for other expenses of the
church, wholly by voluntary and eagerly given contributions,--the "Lord
having directed him to make it clear by Scripture." He believed that tithes
and church-taxes were productive of "pride, contention and sloth," and
indicated a declining spiritual condition of the church. But it was a
strange voluntary gift he wished, that was forced by dread of the pillory
and cage!

Since, as Higginson said, "New England was a plantation of Religion, not a
plantation of Trade," the church and its support were of course the first
thought in laying out a new town-settlement, and some of the best town-lots
were always set aside for the "yuse of the minister." Sometimes these lots
were a gift outright to the first settled preacher, in other townships they
were set aside as glebes, or "ministry land" as it was called. It was a
universal custom to build at once a house for the minister, and some very
queer contracts and stipulations for the size, shape, and quality of the
parson's home-edifice may be read in church-records. To the construction
of this house all the town contributed, as also to the building of the
meeting-house; some gave work; some, the use of a horse or ox-team; some,
boards; some, stones or brick; some, logs; others, nails; and a few, a very
few, money. At the house-raising a good dinner was provided, and of course,
plenty of liquor. Some malcontents rebelled against being forced to work on
the minister's house. Entries of fines are common enough for "refusing
to dig on the Minister's Selor," for neglecting to send "the Minister's
Nayles," for refusing to "contribute clay-boards," etc. As with the
town-lot, the house sometimes was a gift outright to the clergyman, and
ofttimes the ownership was retained by the church, and the free use only
was given to each minister.

It was a universal custom to allow free pasturage for the minister's
horse, for which the village burial-ground was assigned as a favorite
feeding-ground. Sometimes this privilege of free pasturage was abused. In
Plymouth, in 1789, Rev. Chandler Robbins was requested "not to have more
horses than shall be necessary, for his many horses that had been pastured
on 'Burial Hill'" had sadly damaged and defaced the gravestones,--perhaps
the very headstones placed over the bones of our Pilgrim Fathers.

The "strangers' money," which was the money contributed by visitors who
chanced to attend the services, and which was sometimes specified as "all
the silver and black dogs given by strangers," was usually given to the
minister. A "black dog" was a "dog dollar."

Often a settlement or a sum of money was given outright to the clergyman
when he was first ordained or settled in the parish. At a town meeting in
Sharon, January 8, 1755, which was held with regard to procuring a new
minister, it was voted "that a committe confer with Mr. Smith, and know
which will be more acceptable to him, to have a larger settlement and a
smaller salary, or a larger salary and a smaller settlement, and make
report to this meeting." On Jan. 15th it was voted "that we give to said
Mr. Smith 420 ounces of silver or equivalent in old Tenor bills, for a
settlement, to be paid in three years after settlement. That we give to
said Mr. Smith 220 Spanish dollars or an equivalent in old Tenor bills for
his yearly salary." Mr. Smith was very generous to his new parish, for his
acceptance of its call contains this clause: "As it will come heavy upon
some perhaps to pay salary and settlement together I have thought of
releasing part of the payment of the salary for a time to be paid to me
again. The first year I shall allow you out of the salary you have voted me
40 dollars, the 2nd 30 dollars, the 3rd 15, the 4th year 20 to be repaid
to me again, the 5th year 20 more, the 6th year 20 more and the 25 dollars
that remain, I am willing that the town should keep 'em for its own use."
He was apparently "willing to live very low," as Parson Eliot humbly and
pathetically wrote in a petition to his church.

The Puritan ministers in New England in the eighteenth century were all
good Whigs; they hated the English kings, fully believing that those stupid
rulers, who really cared little for the Church of England, were burning
with pious zeal to make Episcopacy the established church of the colonies,
and knowing that were that deed accomplished they themselves would probably
lose their homes and means of livelihood. They were the most eager of
Republicans and patriots, and many of them were good and brave soldiers in
the Revolution.

When the minister acquired the independence he so longed and fought for,
it was not all his fancy painted it. He found himself poor
indeed,--practically penniless. He complained sadly that he was paid his
salary in the worthless continental paper money, and he refused to take it.
Often he cannily took merchandise of all kinds instead of the low-valued
paper money, and he became a good and sharp trader, exchanging his various
goods for whatever he needed--and could get. Merchandise was, indeed, far
preferable to money. The petition of Rev. Mr. Barnes to his Willsborough
people has been preserved, and he thus speaks of his salary: "In 1775 the
war comenced & Paper money was emitted which soon began to depreciate and
the depreciation was so rappid that in may 1777 your Pastor gave the whole
of his years Salary for one sucking Calf, the next year he gave the whole
for a small store pig. Your Pastor has not asked for any consideration
being willing to try to Scrabble along with the people while they are in
low circumstances." His neighbor, Rev. Mr. Sprague, of Dublin, formally
petitioned his church not to increase his salary, "as I am plagued to death
to get what is owing to me now," or to buy anything with it when he got it.
The minister in Scarborough had to be paid £5,400 in paper money to make
good his salary of £60 in gold which had been voted him.

"Living low" and "scrabbling along" seems to have been the normal and
universal condition of the New England minister for some time after the War
of Independence. He was obliged to go without his pay, or to take it in
whatever shape it might chance to be tendered. Indeed, from the earliest
colonial days it was true that of whatever they had, the church-members
gave; meal, maize, beans, cider, lumber, merchantable pork, apples,
"English grains," pumpkins,--all were paid to the parson. Part of the
stipend of a minister on Cape Cod was two hundred fish yearly from each
parishioner, with which to fertilize his sandy corn-land. In Plymouth,
in 1662, the following method of increasing the minister's income was
suggested: "The Court Proposeth it as a thing that they judge would be very
commendable and beneficiall to the townes where God's providence shall cast
any whales, if they should agree to set aparte some p'te of every such fish
or oyle for the Incouragement of an able and godly minister among them." In
Sandwich, also, the parson had a part of every whale that came ashore.

Various gifts, too, came to the preachers. In Newbury the first salmon
caught each year in the weir was left by will to the parson. Judge Sewall
records that he visited the minister and "carried him a Bushel of
Turnips, cost me five shillings, and a Cabbage cost half a Crown." Such a
high-priced cabbage!

That New England country institution--the "donation party" to the
minister--was evolved at a later date. At these donation parties the
unfortunate shepherd of the flock often received much that neither he
nor the wily donors could use, while more valuable and useful gifts were
lacking.

A very material plenishing of the minister's house was often furnished in
the latter part of the eighteenth century by the annual "Spinning Bee." On
a given day the women of the parish, each bearing her own spinning-wheel
and flax, assembled at the minister's house and spun for his wife great
"runs" of linen thread, which were afterward woven into linen for the use
of the parson and his family. In Newbury, April 20,1768, "Young ladies met
at the house of the Rev. Mr. Parsons, who preached to them a sermon from
Proverbs 31-19. They spun and presented to Mrs. Parsons two hundred and
seventy skeins of good yarn." They drank "liberty tea." This makeshift of
a beverage was made of the four-leaved loosestrife. The herb was pulled
up like flax, its stalks were stripped of the leaves and were boiled. The
leaves were put in a kettle and basted with the liquor distilled from the
stalks. After this the leaves were dried in an oven to use in the same
manner as tea-leaves. Liberty tea sold readily for sixpence a pound. In
1787 these same Newbury women spun two hundred and thirty-six skeins
of thread and yarn for the wife of the Rev. Mr. Murray. Some were busy
spinning, some reeling and carding, and some combing the flax, while the
minister preached to them on the text from Exodus xxxv. 25: "And all
the women that were wise-hearted did spin with their hands." These
spinning-bees were everywhere in vogue, and formed a source of much profit
to the parson, and of pleasure to the spinners, in spite of the sermons.

Pieced patchwork bed-quilts for the minister's family were also given by
the women of the congregation. Sometimes each woman furnished a neatly
pieced square, and all met at the parsonage and joined and quilted the
coverlet. At other times the minister's wife made the patchwork herself,
but the women assembled and transformed it into quilts for her. The parson
was helped also in his individual work. When the rye or wheat or grain on
the minister's land was full grown and ready for reaping and mowing, the
men in his parish gave him gladly a day's work in harvesting, and in turn
he furnished them plenty of good rum to drink, else there were "great
uneasyness." The New England men were not forced to drink liberty tea.

One universal contribution to the support of the minister all over New
England was cord-wood; and the "minister's wood" is an institution up to
the present day in the few thickly wooded districts that remain. A load of
wood was usually given by each male church-member, and he was expected to
deliver the gift at the door of the parsonage. Sixty loads a year were a
fair allowance, but the number sometimes ran up to one hundred, as was
furnished to Parson Chauncey, of Durham. Rev. Mr. Parsons, of East Hadley,
was the greatest wood-consumer among the old ministers of whom I have
chanced to read. Good, cheerful, roaring fires must the Parsons family have
kept; for in 1774 he had eighty loads of wood supplied to him; in 1751 he
was furnished with one hundred loads; in 1763 the amount had increased to
one hundred and twenty loads, when the parish was glad to make a compromise
with their extravagant shepherd and pay him instead £13 6s 8d annually
in addition to his regular salary, and let him buy or cut his own wood.
Firewood at that time in that town was worth only the expense of cutting
and hauling to the house. A "load" of wood contained about three quarters
of a cord, and until after the Revolutionary War was worth in the vicinity
of Hadley only three shillings a load. The minister's loads were expected
to be always of good "hard-wood." One thrifty parson, while watching a
farmer unload his yearly contribution, remarked, "Isn't that pretty soft
wood?" "And don't we sometimes have pretty soft preaching?" was the answer.
It was well that the witty retort was not made a century earlier; for the
speaker would have been punished by a fine, since they fined so sharply
anything that savored of "speaking against the minister." In some towns a
day was appointed which was called a "wood-spell," when it was ordered that
all the wood be delivered at the parson's door; and thus the farmers formed
a cheerful gathering, at which the minister furnished plentiful flip, or
grog, to the wood-givers. Rev. Stephen Williams, of Longmeadow, never
failed to make a note of the "wood-sleddings" in his diary. He wrote on
Jan. 25, 1757, "Neighbors sledded wood for me and shewed a Good Humour.
I rejoice at it. The Lord bless them that are out of humour and brot no
wood." In other towns the wood did not always come in when it was wanted or
needed, and winter found the parsonage woodshed empty. Rev. Mr. French, of
Andover, gave out this notice in his pulpit one Sunday in November: "I will
write two discourses and deliver them in this meeting-house on Thanksgiving
Day, _provided I can manage to write them without a fire_." We can be
sure that Monday morning saw several loads of good hard wood deposited at
the parson's door.

Other ministers did not hesitate to demand their cord-wood most openly,
while still others became adepts in hinting and begging, not only for wood,
but for other supplies. It is told of a Newbury parson that he rode from
house to house one winter afternoon, saying in each that he "wished he had
a slice of their good cheese, for his wife expected company." On his way
home his sleigh, unfortunately, upset, and the gathering darkness could not
conceal from the eyes of the astonished townspeople, who ran to "right the
minister," the nine great cheeses that rolled out into the snow.

Another source of income to New England preachers was the sale of the
gloves and rings which were given to them (and indeed to all persons of
any importance) at weddings, funerals, and christenings. In reading Judge
Sewall's diary one is amazed at the extraordinary number of gloves he thus
received, and can but wonder what became of them all, since, had he had
as many hands as Briareus, he could hardly have worn them. The manuscript
account-book of the Rev. Mr. Elliot, who was ordained pastor of the New
North Church of Boston in 1742, shows that he, having a frugal mind, sold
both gloves and rings. He kept a full list of the gloves he received, the
kid gloves, the lambswool gloves, and the long gloves,--which were for his
wife. It seems incredible, but in thirty-two years he received two thousand
and nine hundred and forty pairs of gloves. Of these, though dead men's
gloves did not have a very good market, he sold through various salesmen
and dealers about six hundred and forty dollars worth. One wonders that he
did not "combine" with the undertaker or sexton who furnished the gloves to
mourners, and thus do a very thrifty business.

The parson, especially in a low-salaried, rural district, had to practise a
thousand petty and great economies to eke out his income. He and his family
wore homespun and patched clothing, which his wife had spun and wove and
cut and made. She knitted woollen mittens and stockings by the score. She
unfortunately could not make shoes, and to keep the large family shod was a
serious drain on the clerical purse, one minister declaring vehemently
that he should have died a rich man if he and his family could have gone
barefoot. The pastors of seaboard and riverside parishes set nets, like the
Apostles of old, and caught fish with which they fed their families until
the over-phosphorized brains and stomachs rebelled. They set snares and
traps and caught birds and squirrels and hare, to replenish their tables,
and from the skins of the rabbits and woodchucks and squirrels, the
parsons' wives made fur caps for the husbands and for the children.

The whole family gathered in large quantities from roadsides and pastures
the oily bayberries, and from them the thrifty and capable wife made scores
of candles for winter use, patiently filling and refilling her few moulds,
or "dipping" the candles again and again until large enough to use. These
pale-green bayberry tallow candles, when lighted in the early winter
evening, sent forth a faint spicy fragrance--a true New England
incense--that fairly perfumed and Orientalized the atmosphere of the
parsonage kitchen. They were very saving, however, even of these home-made
candles, blowing them out during the long family prayers.

Some parsons could not afford always to use candles. In the home of one
well-known minister the wife always knitted, the children ciphered and
studied, and the husband wrote his sermon by the flickering fire-light (for
they always had wood in plenty), with his scraps of sermon paper placed on
the side of the great leathern bellows as it lay in his lap; a pretty home
scene that was more picturesque to behold than comfortable to take part in.

Country ministers could scarcely afford paper to write on, as it was taxed
and was high priced. They bought their sermon paper by the pound; but they
made the first drafts of their addresses, in a fine, closely written hand,
on wrapping-paper, on the backs of letters, on the margins of their few
newspapers, and copied them when finished in their sermon-books with a
keen regard for economy of space and paper. The manuscript sermons of New
England divines are models of careful penmanship, and may be examined with
interest by a student of chirography. The letters are cramped and crabbed,
like the lives of many of the writers, but the penmanship is methodical,
clear, and distinct, without wavering lines or uncertain touch.

As every parsonage had some glebe land, the parson could raise at least a
few vegetables to supply his table. One minister, prevented by illness from
planting his garden, complained with bitterness that, save for a few rare
gifts of vegetables from his parishioners, his family had no green thing
all summer save "messes of dandelion greens" which he had dug by the
roadside, and the summer's succession of wild berries and mushrooms. The
children had gathered the berries and had sold them when they could, but of
course no one would buy the mushrooms, hence they had been forced to eat
them at the parsonage; and he spoke despitefully and disdainfully of the
mean, unnourishing, and doubtfully healthful food.

In winter the parson's family fared worse; one minister declared that he
had had nothing but mush and milk with occasional "cracker johnny-cakes"
all winter, and that he had not once tasted meat in that space of time,
save at a funeral or ordination-supper, where I doubt not he gorged with
the composure and capacity of a Sioux brave at a war feast.

Often the low state of the parsonage larder was quite unknown to the
unthinking members of the congregation, who were not very luxuriously fed
themselves; and in the profession of preaching as in all other walks of
life much depended on the way the parson's money was spent,--economy and
good judgment in housekeeping worked wonders with the small salary. Dr.
Dwight, in eulogizing Abijah Weld, pastor at Attleborough, declared that
on a salary of two hundred and twenty dollars a year Mr. Weld brought up
eleven children, kept a hospitable house, and gave liberally in charity to
the poor. I fear if we were to ask some carnal-minded person, who knew not
the probity of Dr. Dwight, how Mr. Weld could possibly manage to accomplish
such wonderful results with so little money, that we should meet with
scepticism as to the correctness of the facts alleged. Such cases were,
however, too common to be doubted. My answer to the puzzling financial
question would be this: examine and study the story of the home life, the
work of _Mrs_. Weld, that unsalaried helper in clerical labor; therein
the secret lies.

In many cases, in spite of the never failing and never ceasing economy,
care, and assistance of the hard-working, thrifty wife, in spite of
tributes, tithes and windfalls--in country parishes especially--the
minister, unless he fortunately had some private wealth, felt it incumbent
upon him to follow some money-making vocation on week-days. Many were
farmers on week-days. Many took into their families young men who wished
to be taught, or fitted for college. Rev. Mr. Halleck in the course of his
useful and laborious life educated over three hundred young Puritans in his
own household. It is not recorded how Mrs. Halleck enjoyed the never ending
cooking for this regiment of hungry young men. Some parsons learned to draw
up wills and other legal documents, and thus became on a small scale the
lawyers of the town. Others studied the mystery of medicine, and bought a
small stock of the nauseous drugs of the times, which they retailed
with accompanying advice to their parishioners. Some were coopers, some
carpenters, rope-makers, millers, or cobblers. One cobbler clergyman in
Andover, Vermont, worked at his shoe-mending all the week with his Bible
open on his bench before him, and he marked the page containing any text
which bore on the subject of his coming sermon, with a marker of waxed
shoe-thread. Often the Bible, in his pulpit on Sunday, had thirty or forty
of these shoe-thread guides hanging down from it.

One minister, having been reproved for his worldliness in amassing a large
enough fortune to buy a good farm, answered his complaining congregation
thus: "I have obtained the money to buy this farm by neglecting to follow
the maxim to 'mind my own business.' My business was to study the word of
God and attend to my parish duties and preach good sermons. All this I
acknowledge I have not done, for I have been meddling with your business.
_That_ was to support me and my family; that _you_ have not done.
But remember this: while I have performed your duties, you have not done
mine, so I think you cannot complain."

Some of the early ministers, in addition to preaching in the meeting-house,
did not disdain to take care of the edifice. Parson Everitt of Sandwich was
paid three dollars a year for sweeping out the meeting-house in which he
preached; and after he resigned this position of profit, the duties were
performed by the town physician "as often as there shalbe ocation to keepe
it deesent." The thrifty Mr. Everitt had a pleasing variety of occupations;
he was also a successful farmer, a good fence-builder, and he ran a
fulling-mill.

So, altogether, as they were wholly exempt from taxation, the New England
parsons did not fare ill, though Mr. Cotton said that "ministers and milk
were the only cheap things in New England," and he deemed various ills,
such as attacks by fierce Indians, loss of cattle, earthquakes, and failure
of crops, to be divine judgments for the small ministerial pay; while
Cotton Mather, in one of his pompous and depressing jokes, called the
minister's stipend "Synecdotical Pay." A search in a treatise on rhetoric
or in a dictionary will discover the point of this witticism--if it be
worth searching for.




XXII.

The Plain-Speaking Puritan Pulpit.



One thing which always interests and can but amuse every reader of the
old Puritan sermons is the astonishingly familiar way in which these New
England divines publicly shared their domestic joys and sorrows with
the members of their congregations; and we are equally surprised at the
ingenuity which they displayed in finding texts that were suitable for
the various occasions and events. The Reverend Mr. Turell was specially
ingenious. Of him Dr. Holmes wrote,--

  "You've heard, no doubt, of Parson Turell;
  Over at Medford he used to dwell,--
  Married one of the Mathers' folks."

His wife, Jane Coleman, was a handsome brunette. The bridegroom preached
his first sermon after his wedding on this text, "I am black but comely, O
ye daughters of Jerusalem." When he married a second time he chose as his
text, "He is altogether lovely, this is my beloved, and this my friend, O
daughters of Jerusalem!" It is possible that each of Parson Turell's brides
may have chosen the text from which he preached her honeymoon sermon. It
was the universal custom for many years thoughout New England to allow a
bride the privilege of selecting for the parson who had solemnized her
marriage, or at whose church she first appeared after the wedding, the text
from which he should preach on the bridal Sabbath. Thus when John Physick
and Mary Prescott were married in Portland, on July 4, 1770, the bride gave
to Rev. Mr. Deane this text: "Mary hath chosen that good part;" and from it
Parson Deane preached the "wedding sermon." When Abby Smith, daughter of
Parson Smith, married 'Squire John Adams, whom her father disliked and
would not invite home to dinner, she chose this text for her wedding
sermon: "John came neither eating bread nor drinking wine, and ye say he
hath a devil." The high-spirited bride had the honor of living to be the
wife of one President of the United States, and mother of another.

Another ingenious clergyman gave out one morning as his text, "Unto us a
son is born;" and thus notified the surprised congregation of an event
which they had been awaiting for some weeks. Another preached on the text,
"My servant lieth at home sick," which was literally true. Another, a
bachelor, dared to announce this abbreviated text: "A wonder was seen in
heaven--a woman." Dr. Mather Byles, of Boston, being disappointed through
the non-appearance of a minister named Prince, who had been expected to
deliver the sermon, preached himself upon the text, "Put not your trust
in princes." But Dr. Byles was one who would always "court a grin when he
should win a soul."

One minister felt it necessary to reprove a money-making parishioner who
had stored and was holding in reserve (with the hope of higher prices) a
large quantity of corn which was sadly needed for consumption in the town.
The parson preached from this appropriate text, Proverbs xi. 26. "He that
withholdeth his corn, the people shall curse him; but blessings shall be
upon the head of him that selleth it." As the minister grew warmer in his
explanation and application of the text, the money-seeking corn-storer
defiantly and unregenerately sat up stiff and unmoved, until at last the
preacher, provoked out of prudence and patience, roared out, "Colonel
Ingraham, Colonel Ingraham! you know I mean you; why don't you hang down
your head?" In a similar case another stern parson employed the text,
"Ephraim is joined to his idols, let him alone;" though the personalities
of the sermon made unnecessary the open reference in the text to the
offender's name.

The ministers were such autocrats in the Puritan community that they never
hesitated to show their authority in any manner in the pulpit. Judge Sewall
records with much bitterness a libel which his pastor, Mr. Pemberton,
launched at him in the meeting through the medium of the psalm which
he gave out to be sung. They had differed over the adjustment of some
church-matter and on the following Sunday the clergyman assigned to be sung
the libellous and significant psalm. Such lines as these must have been
hard indeed for Judge Sewall to endure:--

  "Speak, oh ye Judges of the Earth
    if just your Sentence be
  Or must not Innocence appeal
    to Heav'n from your decree

  "Your Wicked Hearts and Judgments are
    alike by Malice sway'd
  Your griping Hands by mighty Bribes
    to violence betrayed.

  "No Serpent of parch'd Afric's breed
    doth Ranker poison bear
  The drowsy Adder will as soon
    unlock his Sullen Ear

  "Unmov'd by good Advice, and dead
    As Adders they remain
  From whom the skilful Charmer's voice
    can no attention gain."

Small wonder that Judge Sewall writhed under the infliction of these lines
as they were doubly thrust upon him by the deacon's "lining" and the
singing of the congregation; and the words, "The drowsy Adder will as soon
unlock his Sullen Ear" seemed to particularly irritate him; doubtless he
felt sure that no one could doubt his integrity, but feared that some might
think him stupid and obstinate.

Another arbitrary clergyman, having had an altercation with some unruly
singers in the choir, gave out with much vehemence on the following Sunday
the hymn beginning,--

  "And are you wretches yet alive
  And do you yet rebel?"

with a very significant glower towards the singers' gallery. In a similar
situation another minister gave out to the rebellious choir the hymn
commencing,--

  "Let those refuse to sing
  Who never knew our God."

A visiting clergyman, preaching in a small and shabby church built in a
parish of barren and stony farm-land, very spitefully and sneeringly read
out to be sung the hymn of Watts' beginning,--

  "Lord, what a wretched land is this,
  That yields us no supplies!"

But his malicious intent was frustrated and the tables were adroitly turned
by the quick-witted choir-master, who bawled out in a loud voice as if
in answer, "Northfield,"--the name of the minister's own home and
parish,--while he was really giving out to the choir, as was his wont, the
name of the tune to which the hymn was to be sung.

Nor did the parsons hesitate to be personal even in their prayers. Rev. Mr.
Moody, who was ordained pastor at York in the year 1700, reproved in an
extraordinary manner a young man who had called attention to some fine new
clothing which he wore by coming in during prayer time and thus attracting
the notice of the congregation. Mr. Moody, in an elevated tone of voice,
at once exclaimed, "And O Lord! we pray Thee, cure Ned Ingraham of that
ungodly strut," etc. Another time he prayed for a young lady in the
congregation and ended his invocation thus, "She asked me not to pray for
her in public, but I told her I would, and so I have, Amen."

Rev. Mr. Miles, while praying for rain, is said to have used this
extraordinary phraseology: "O Lord, Thou knowest we do not want Thee to
send us a rain which shall pour down in fury and swell our streams and
carry away our hay-cocks, fences, and bridges; but, Lord, we want it to
come drizzle-drozzle, drizzle-drozzle, for about a week, Amen."

They did not think it necessary always to give their congregations novel
thoughts and ideas nor fresh sermons. One minister, after being newly
ordained in his parish, preached the same sermon three Sundays in
succession; and a deacon was sent to him mildly to suggest a change. "Why,
no," he answered, "I can see no evidence yet that this one has produced any
effect."

Rev. Mr. Daggett, of Yale College, had an entire system of sermons which
took him four years to preach throughout. And for three successive years he
delivered once a year a sermon on the text, "Is Thy servant a dog that he
should do this thing?" And the fourth year he varied it with, "And the dog
did it."

Dr. Coggswell, of Canterbury, Connecticut, had a sermon which he thrust
upon his people every spring for many years as being suitable to the time
when a young man's fancy turns to thoughts of love. In it he soberly
reproved the young church attendants for gazing so much at each other in
the meeting. This annual anti-amatory advice never failed to raise a smile
on the face of each father and son in the congregation as he listened to
the familiar and oft-repeated words.

The Puritan ministers gave advice in their sermons upon most personal and
worldly matters. Roger Williams instructed the women of his parish to wear
veils when they appeared in public; but John Cotton preached to them
one Sunday morning and proved to them that veils were a sign of undue
subjection to their husbands; and in the afternoon the fair Puritans
appeared with bare faces and showed that women had even at that early day
"rights."

How the varieties of headgear did torment the parsons! They denounced
from many a pulpit the wearing of wigs. Mr. Noyes preached long and often
against the fashion. Eliot, the noble preacher and missionary to the
Indians, found time even in the midst of his arduous and incessant duties
to deliver many a blast against "prolix locks,"--"with boiling zeal," as
Cotton Mather said,--and he labelled them a "luxurious feminine protexity;"
but lamented late in life that "the lust for wigs is become insuperable."
He thought the horrors in King Philip's War were a direct punishment from
God for wig-wearing. Increase Mather preached warmly against wigs, saying
that "such Apparel is contrary to the light of Nature and to express
Scripture," and that "Monstrous Perriwigs such as some of our church
members indulge in make them resemble ye locusts that came out of ye
Bottomless Pit." To learn how these "Horrid Bushes of Vanity" were
despised by a real live Puritan wig-hater one needs only to read the
many disparaging, regretful, and bitter references to wig-wearing and
wig-wearers in Judge Sewall's diary, which reached a culmination when a
widow whom he was courting suggested most warmly that he ought to wear,
what his very soul abominated, a periwig.

Eliot had also a strong aversion to tobacco, and denounced its use in
severe terms; but his opposition in this case was as ineffectual as it was
against wigs. Allen said, "In contempt of all his admonitions the head
would be adorned with curls of foreign growth, and the pipe would send up
volumes of smoke."

Rev. Mr. Rogers preached against long natural hair,--the "disguisement of
long ruffianly hair,"--as did also President Chauncey of Harvard College;
while Mr. Wigglesworth's sermon on the subject has often been reprinted,
and is full of logical arguments. This offence was named on the list of
existing evils which was made by the General Court: that "the men wore long
hair like women's hair," while the women were complained of for "cutting
and curling and laying out of hair, especially among the younger sort."
Still, the Puritan magistrates, omnipotent as they were, did not dare to
force the be-curled citizens to cut their long love-locks, though they
instructed and bribed them to do so. A Salem man was, in 1687, fined ten
shillings for a misdemeanor, but "in case he shall cutt off his long har of
his head into a sevill (civil?) frame in the mean time shall have abated
five shillings of his fine." John Eliot hated long natural hair as well
as false hair. Cotton Mather said of him, in a very unpleasant figure of
speech, "The hair of them that professed religion grew too long for him to
swallow." Other fashions and habits brought forth denunciations from the
pulpit,--hooped petticoats, gold-laced coats (unless worn by gentlemen),
pointed shoes, chaise-owning, health-drinking, tavern-visiting, gossiping,
meddling, tale-bearing, and lying.

Political and business and even medical and sanitary subjects were popular
in the early New England pulpit. Mr. Peters preached many a long sermon
to urge the formation of a stock company for fishing, and canvassed all
through the commonwealth for the same purpose. Cotton Mather said plainly
that ministers ought to instruct themselves and their congregations in
politics; and in Connecticut it was ordered by law that each minister
should give sound and orthodox advice to his congregation at the time of
civil elections.

Every natural phenomenon, every unusual event called forth a sermon, and
the minister could find even in the common events of every-day life plain
manifestations of Divine wrath and judgment. He preached with solemn
delight upon comets, and earthquakes, and northern lights, and great storms
and droughts, on deaths and diseases, and wonders and scandals (for there
were scandals even in puritanical New England), on wars both at home and
abroad, on shipwrecks, on safe voyages, on distinguished visitors, on noted
criminals and crimes,--in fact, upon every subject that was of spiritual or
temporal interest to his congregation or himself. And his people looked
for his religious comment upon passing events just as now-a-days we read
articles upon like subjects in the newspaper. Thus was the Puritan minister
not only a preacher, but a teacher, adviser, and friend, and a pretty
plain-spoken one too.




XXIII.

The Early Congregations.



On Sunday morning in New England in the olden time, the country
church-members whose homes were near the meeting-house walked reverently
and slowly across the green meadows or the snowy fields to meeting.
Townspeople, at the sound of the bell or drum or horn, walked decorously
and soberly along the irregular streets to the house of God. Farmers who
lived at a greater distance were up betimes to leave their homes and ride
across the fields and through the narrow bridle-paths, which were then the
universal and almost the only country roads. These staid Puritan planters
were mounted on sturdy farmhorses, and a pillion was strapped on behind
each saddle, and on it was seated wife, daughter, or perhaps a young
child--I should like to have seen the church-going dames perched up proudly
in all their Sunday finery, masked in black velvet, a sober Puritan
travesty of a gay carnival fashion. Riding-habits were hardly known until
a century ago, and even after their introduction were never worn
a-pillion-riding, so the Puritan women rode in their best attire.
Sometimes, in unusually muddy or dusty weather, a very daintily dressed
"nugiperous" dame would don a linen "weather skirt" to protect her fine
silken petticoats.

The wealthier Puritans were mounted on fine pacing horses, "once so highly
prized, now so odious deemed;" for trotting horses were not in much demand
or repute in America until after the Revolutionary War. There were, until
that date, professional horse-trainers, whose duties were to teach horses
to pace; though by far the best saddle-horses were the natural-gaited
"Narragansett Pacers," the first distinctively American race of horses.
These remarkably easy-paced animals were in such demand in the West Indies
for the use of the wives and daughters of the wealthy sugar-planters, and
in Philadelphia and New York for rich Dutch and Quaker colonists, that
comparatively few of them were allowed to remain in New England, and they
were, indeed too high-priced for poor New England colonists. The natural
and singular pace of these Narragansett horses, which did not incline the
rider from side to side, nor jolt him up and down, and their remarkable
sureness of foot and their great endurance, rendered them of much value
in those days of travel in the saddle. They were also phenomenally
broad-backed,--shaped by nature for saddle and pillion.

When trotting-horses became fashionable, the trainers placed logs of wood
at regular intervals across the road, and by exercising the animals
over this obstructed path forced them to raise their feet at the proper
intervals, and thus learn to trot.

Long distances did many of the pre-revolutionary farmers of New England
have to ride to reach their churches, and long indeed must have been the
time occupied in these Sunday trips, for a horse was too well-burdened with
saddle and pillion and two riders to travel fast. The worshippers must
often have started at daybreak. When we see now an ancient pillion--a relic
of olden times--brought out in jest or curiosity, and strapped behind a
saddle on a horse's back, and when we see the poor steed mounted by two
riders, it seems impossible for the over-burdened animal to endure a long
journey, and certainly impossible for him to make a rapid one.

Horse-flesh, and human endurance also, was economized in early days by what
was called the "ride and tie" system. A man and his wife would mount saddle
and pillion, ride a couple of miles, dismount, tie the steed, and walk
on. A second couple, who had walked the first two miles, soon mounted the
rested horse, rode on past the riders for two or three miles, dismounted,
and tied the animal again. In that way four persons could ride very
comfortably and sociably half-way to meeting, though they must have had
to make an early start to allow for the slow gait and long halts. At the
church the disburdened horses were tied during the long services to palings
and to trees near the meeting-house (except the favored animals that found
shelter in the noon-houses) and the scene must have resembled the outskirts
of a gypsy camp or an English horse-fair. Such obedience did the Puritans
pay to the letter of the law that when the Newbury people were forbidden,
in tying their horses outside the church paling, to leave them near enough
to the footpath to be in the way of church pedestrians, it did not prevent
the stupid or obstinate Newburyites from painstakingly bringing their
steeds within the gates and tying them to the gate-posts where they were
much more seriously and annoyingly in the way.

It is usual to describe and to think of the Puritan congregations as like
assemblies of Quakers, solemn, staid, and uniform and dull of dress; but
I can discover in historical records nothing to indicate simplicity,
soberness, or even uniformity of apparel, except the uniformity of fashion,
which was powerful then as now. The forbidding rules and regulations
relating to the varied and elaborate forms of women's dress--and of men's
attire as well--would never have been issued unless such prohibited apparel
had been common and universally longed-for, and unless much diversity and
elegance of dress had abounded.

Indeed the daughters of the Pilgrims were true "daughters of Zion, walking
with stretched forth necks and wanton eyes, and mincing as they go." Save
for the "nose jewels," the complaining and exhaustive list of the prophet
Isaiah might serve as well for New England as for Judah and Jerusalem:
"their cauls and their round tires like moons; the chains and the bracelets
and the mufflers; the bonnets, and the ornaments of the legs, and the head
bands, and the tablets, and the ear-rings; the rings and nose jewels; the
changeable suits of apparel, and the mantles, and the wimples, and the
crisping pins; the glasses, and the fine linen, and the hoods and the
veils." Nor has the day yet come to pass in the nineteenth century when the
bravery of the daughters has been taken away.

Pleasant it is to think of the church appearance of the Puritan goodmen and
goodwives. Priscilla Alden in a Quakeress' drab gown would doubtless have
been pleasant to behold, but Priscilla garbed in a "blew Mohere peticote,"
a "tabby bodeys with red livery cote," and an "immoderate great rayle" with
"Slashes," with a laced neckcloth or cross cloth around her fair neck, and
a scarlet "whittle" over all this motley finery; with a "outwork quoyf or
ciffer" (New England French for coiffure) with "long wings" at the side,
and a silk or tiffany hood on her drooping head,--Priscilla in this attire
were pretty indeed.

Nor did sober John Alden and doughty Miles Standish lack for variety in
their dress; besides their soldier's garb, their sentinel's armor, they
had a vast variety of other attire to choose from; they could select their
head-wear from "redd knitt capps" or "monmouth capps" or "black hats lyned
at the browes with leather." They could have a "sute" of "dublett and hose
of leather lyned with oyled-skin-leather," fastened with hooks and eyes
instead of buttons; or one of "hampshire kerseys lyned." They could have
"mandillions" (whatever they may have been) "lyned with cotton," and
"wast-coats of greene cotton bound about with red tape," and breeches of
oiled leather and leathern drawers (I do not know whether these leathern
drawers were under-garments or leathern draw-strings at the knees of the
breeches). They could wear "gloves of sheeps or calfs leather" or of kid,
and fine gold belts, and "points" at the knees. In fact, the invoices of
goods to the earliest settlers show that they had a choice of various
materials for garments, including "gilford and gedleyman, holland and
lockerum and buckerum, fustian, canvass, linsey-woolsey, red ppetuna,
cursey, cambrick, calico-stuff, loom-work, Dutch serges, and English
jeans"--enough for diversity, surely. Sad-colored mantles the goodmen wore,
but their doublets were scarlet, and with their green waistcoats and red
caps, surely the Puritan men were sufficiently gayly dressed to suit any
fancy save that of a cavalier. Later in the history of the colony, when
hooped petticoats and laced hoods and mantles, and long, embroidered gloves
fastened with horsehair "glove tightens," and when velvet coats and satin
breeches and embroidered waistcoats, gold lace, sparkling buckles, and
cocked hats with full bottomed wigs were worn, the gray, sombre old
meeting-house blossomed like a tropical forest, and vied with the worldly
Church of England in gay-garbed church attendants.

Stern and severe of face were many of the members of these early New
England congregations, else they had not been true Puritans in heart, and
above all, they had not been Pilgrims. Long and thin of feature were they,
rarely smiling, yet not devoid of humor. Some handsome countenances
were seen,--austere, bigoted Cotton Mather being, strangely enough, the
handsomest and most worldly looking of them all. What those brave, stern
men and women were, as well as what they looked, is known to us all, and
cannot be dwelt upon here, any more than can here be shown and explained
the details of their religious faith and creed. Patient, frugal,
God-fearing, and industrious, cruel and intolerant sometimes, but never
cowardly, sternly obeying the word of God in the spirit and the letter, but
erring sometimes in the interpretation thereof,--surely they had no traits
to shame us, to keep us from thrilling with pride at the drop of their
blood which runs in our backsliding veins. Nothing can more plainly show
their distinguishing characteristics, nothing is so fully typical of the
motive, the spirit of their lives, as their reverent observance of the
Lord's day.











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